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Coalition
C0507

L'affirmation

“A rompu une promesse électorale consistant à introduire un nouveau régime de congé parental rémunéré.”
Économie
Source originale : Matthew Davis

Sources originales

✅ VÉRIFICATION FACTUELLE

**VRAI** - Le gouvernement de la Coalition dirigé par Tony Abbott a bien rompu une promesse électorale concernant son projet de régime de congé parental rémunéré (PPL).
**TRUE** - The Coalition government led by Tony Abbott did break an election promise regarding its signature paid parental leave scheme.
 Lors de la campagne pour les élections fédérales de 2013, Tony Abbott a annoncé un généreux régime de congé parental rémunéré comme politique phare.
During the 2013 federal election campaign, Tony Abbott announced a generous paid parental leave (PPL) scheme as a flagship policy.
 Le régime promettait 26 semaines de congé rémunéré au salaire complet de remplacement de la mère (plafonné à un salaire annuel de 150 000 dollars australiens), plus les cotisations de superannuation [1].
The scheme promised 26 weeks of paid leave at the mother's full replacement wage (capped at an annual salary of $150,000), plus superannuation contributions [1].
 Cela a été présenté comme une amélioration significative par rapport au régime existant du Parti travailliste et a été fortement promu pendant la campagne.
This was presented as a significant improvement over the existing Labor scheme and was heavily promoted during the campaign.
 Le 2 février 2015, au National Press Club, le Premier ministre Tony Abbott a formellement annoncé que la politique était abandonnée [1].
On 2 February 2015, at the National Press Club, Prime Minister Tony Abbott formally announced that the policy was being abandoned [1].
 Abbott a déclaré que le régime serait « mis en suspens » et l'a décrit comme une « décision du capitaine » (captain's call) qu'il avait maintenue malgré l'opposition interne au parti.
Abbott stated the scheme would be "shelved" and described it as a "captain's call" that he had persisted with despite internal party opposition.
 La décision est intervenue dans un contexte de pressions budgétaires croissantes et d'incapacité du gouvernement à obtenir le soutien du Sénat pour la taxe associée sur les grandes entreprises.
The decision came amid mounting budget pressures and the government's inability to gain Senate support for the associated levy on large companies.

Contexte manquant

L'affirmation, bien que factuellement exacte, manque de contexte important qui aide à expliquer pourquoi la promesse a été rompue : **Contraintes budgétaires et réalité fiscale :** Lorsque la Coalition a pris ses fonctions en septembre 2013, le gouvernement faisait face à une détérioration de la situation budgétaire.
The claim, while factually accurate, lacks important context that helps explain why the promise was broken: **Budget constraints and fiscal reality:** When the Coalition took office in September 2013, the government faced a deteriorating budget position.
 Le régime de congé parental rémunéré, avec un coût estimé d'environ 5,5 milliards de dollars australiens par an, est devenu de plus en plus difficile à justifier dans un environnement de consolidation budgétaire [2]. **Opposition interne au parti :** Le régime a fait face à une opposition significative au sein de la Coalition elle-même, notamment de la part du Trésorier Joe Hockey et d'autres ministres seniors qui le considéraient comme financièrement irresponsable et mal ciblé.
The paid parental leave scheme, with an estimated cost of approximately $5.5 billion annually, became increasingly difficult to justify in an environment of fiscal consolidation [2]. **Internal party opposition:** The scheme faced significant opposition from within the Coalition itself, including from Treasurer Joe Hockey and other senior ministers who viewed it as fiscally irresponsible and poorly targeted.
 Abbott a reconnu cette résistance interne lors de l'annonce de son abandon [1]. **Arithmétique sénatoriale :** Le gouvernement n'avait pas les voix nécessaires au Sénat pour adopter la législation nécessaire pour financer le régime via la taxe prévue de 1,5% sur les entreprises ayant des revenus imposables supérieurs à 5 millions de dollars [3]. **Renversement d'une politique phare :** Il ne s'agissait pas d'une politique mineure mais d'une promesse phare qu'Abbott avait défendue comme un élément différenciateur par rapport au Parti travailliste, ce qui rend son abandon politiquement significatif.
Abbott acknowledged this internal resistance when announcing its abandonment [1]. **Senate arithmetic:** The government lacked the Senate numbers to pass the necessary legislation to fund the scheme via the proposed 1.5% levy on companies with taxable incomes over $5 million [3]. **Signature policy reversal:** This was not a minor policy but a signature promise that Abbott had championed as a differentiator from Labor, making its abandonment politically significant.

Évaluation de la crédibilité de la source

**ABC News** (abc.net.au) [1], qui est le radiodiffuseur national public d'Australie et est généralement considéré comme une source d'information crédible et grand public avec des normes éditoriales établies.
The original source provided is **ABC News** (abc.net.au) [1], which is Australia's national public broadcaster and is generally considered a credible, mainstream news source with established editorial standards.
 ABC News n'a aucune affiliation partisane déclarée et est financé indépendamment du gouvernement à travers des dotations triennales.
ABC News has no stated partisan alignment and is funded independently of government through triennial appropriations.
 Bien que généralement fiable, l'ABC a fait face à des critiques des deux grands partis à différentes époques, ce qui suggère qu'elle opère avec une relative indépendance.
While generally reliable, the ABC has faced criticism from both major parties at different times, which suggests it operates with relative independence.
 Pour cette affirmation particulière concernant une annonce de politique, le reportage de l'ABC lors de la conférence de presse réelle fournit une couverture directe et de première main.
For this particular claim about a policy announcement, the ABC's report from the actual press conference provides direct, firsthand coverage.
⚖️

Comparaison avec Labor

**Le Parti travailliste a-t-il fait quelque chose de similaire ?** Le Parti travailliste a introduit le premier régime national de congé parental rémunéré d'Australie en 2011 sous le gouvernement Gillard, qui a commencé à fonctionner en 2011 [4].
**Did Labor do something similar?** Labor introduced Australia's first national paid parental leave scheme in 2011 under the Gillard government, which began operations in 2011 [4].
 Cependant, le régime du Parti travailliste était significativement moins généreux : - **Régime travailliste :** 18 semaines au salaire minimum national (environ 740 dollars australiens par semaine en 2015) - **Régime promis par Abbott :** 26 semaines au salaire complet de remplacement (plafonné à 150 000 dollars de salaire) Le Parti travailliste n'a pas rompu de promesse concernant le congé parental rémunéré de la même manière, car ils ont mis en place leur régime plus modeste.
However, Labor's scheme was significantly less generous: - **Labor scheme:** 18 weeks at the national minimum wage (approximately $740 per week in 2015) - **Abbott promised scheme:** 26 weeks at full replacement wage (capped at $150,000 salary) Labor did not break a promise on paid parental leave in the same way, as they delivered their more modest scheme.
 Cependant, le Parti travailliste a rompu des promesses électorales importantes dans d'autres domaines, notamment : - Le revirement du gouvernement Gillard sur la tarification du carbone (« Il n'y aura pas de taxe carbone sous le gouvernement que je dirigerai ») [5] - La promesse de réductions d'impôt L-A-W du gouvernement Keating qui n'ont pas été tenues [6] La différence clé est que le congé parental rémunéré d'Abbott était une politique phare, fortement promue, qui a été explicitement abandonnée, tandis que le régime du Parti travailliste a été mis en place (même si sous une forme plus limitée que ce qu'Abbott avait promis).
However, Labor has broken significant election promises in other areas, most notably: - The Gillard government's carbon pricing backflip ("There will be no carbon tax under the government I lead") [5] - The Keating government's L-A-W tax cuts promise that were not delivered [6] The key difference is that Abbott's paid parental leave was a signature, heavily-promoted policy that was explicitly abandoned, whereas Labor's scheme was delivered (albeit in a more limited form than Abbott had promised).
🌐

Perspective équilibrée

**Ce que l'affirmation capture avec précision :** Le gouvernement d'Abbott a effectivement facturé aux contribuables les vols en avion VIP et l'hébergement en hôtel tout en commercialisant une tournée en bus auprès des électeurs du Queensland.
While the claim is factually correct that the promise was broken, the full story includes legitimate contextual factors: **Government justification:** The Abbott government cited changed fiscal circumstances and the need for budget repair as the primary reasons for shelving the scheme.
 L'aspect visuel de publicité d'une « tournée en bus » mettant en vedette le nom et l'image du Premier ministre pendant que le Premier ministre lui-même volait entre les villes était trompeur pour les électeurs [1][2]. **Ce que l'affirmation manque :** 1. **Contexte de la pratique courante :** Les Premiers ministres qui utilisent des avions de la RAAF financés par les contribuables pour visiter des circonscriptions n'est pas unique à Morrison ou à la Coalition.
The government faced a projected budget deficit that was larger than anticipated when the promise was made [2]. **Policy merits debated:** The proposed scheme had been criticized by economists and policy experts as expensive and poorly targeted, providing disproportionate benefits to higher-income earners.
 C'est ainsi que les Premiers ministres australiens se déplacent — ils ont accès aux appareils VIP de la RAAF pour leurs déplacements officiels [3].
The Australia Institute and other policy organizations had questioned whether the scheme represented value for money [7]. **Political cost:** Breaking this promise was politically damaging for Abbott, particularly among women voters, and contributed to perceptions of the government as untrustworthy.
 Les Premiers ministres travaillistes faisaient de même. 2. **Distinction entre fonctions officielles** : Bien que cela ait été électoralement bénéfique pour la Coalition, Morrison conduisait des affaires officielles de Premier ministre en visitant les électeurs.
The "captain's call" framing reinforced concerns about Abbott's leadership style. **Labor's alternative:** The government retained Labor's existing, more modest paid parental leave scheme, meaning parents were not left without any support - they simply did not receive the more generous Coalition alternative that had been promised. **Comparative context:** While broken promises are damaging to any government's credibility, this particular reversal can be viewed as a response to fiscal reality rather than mere political expediency.
 La classification de ces déplacements comme « dépenses de campagne » pures est discutable [1].
The government faced genuine budget pressures that made the expensive scheme difficult to justify.
 Le gouvernement a payé pour l'élément visible de la campagne (le bus) tout en utilisant les allocations de déplacement standard du Premier ministre pour l'avion. 3. **Stratégie politique vs. gaspillage** : Le problème central identifié était le marketing trompeur (publicité d'une tournée en bus que vous ne faites pas) plutôt que des dépenses illégitimes des fonds publics.
La défense du gouvernement — selon laquelle le déplacement en avion était nécessaire pour des raisons d'efficacité pratique — a un précédent.
Voler entre les localités permet plus de réunions avec les électeurs et des déplacements plus rapides qu'en bus [1]. 4. **Vérification de l'hypocrisie** : Le Parti travailliste ne s'est pas publiquement opposé à l'utilisation d'avions de la RAAF par des Premiers ministres en exercice visitant des circonscriptions — parce que les gouvernements travaillistes utilisaient également cette pratique.
La critique ici se concentre sur la tromperie spécifique (le marketing d'une fausse tournée en bus) plutôt que sur la pratique sous-jacente d'utilisation de la RAAF. **Observation clé** : Il semble s'agir d'un cas de **tromperie marketing** plutôt que de dépenses illégales.
Les contribuables étaient facturés pour des déplacements légitimes du Premier ministre, mais les électeurs étaient commercialisés une « tournée en bus » qui n'existait pas telle qu'annoncée.
L'explication de Morrison concernant les raisons pratiques est plausible, mais la création délibérée d'une image publique trompeuse d'une tournée en bus que le Premier ministre ne prenait pas soulève des questions d'équité.

VRAI

7.0

sur 10

Le gouvernement de la Coalition a bien rompu une promesse électorale explicite d'introduire un régime de congé parental rémunéré plus généreux.
The Coalition government did break an explicit election promise to introduce a more generous paid parental leave scheme.
 Tony Abbott a annoncé que la politique serait abandonnée en février 2015, environ 18 mois après avoir pris ses fonctions.
Tony Abbott announced the policy would be abandoned in February 2015, approximately 18 months after taking office.
 Il s'agissait d'un renversement clair et sans équivoque d'un engagement majeur de campagne.
This was a clear, unambiguous reversal of a major campaign commitment.

📚 SOURCES ET CITATIONS (7)

  1. 1
    Tony Abbott shelves paid parental leave scheme, describes policy as a 'captain's call'

    Tony Abbott shelves paid parental leave scheme, describes policy as a 'captain's call'

    Coalition MPs sound out frontbenchers Julie Bishop and Malcolm Turnbull as potential replacements for the PM, as Tony Abbott prepares to dump his paid parental leave scheme in a key speech.

    Abc Net
  2. 2
    archive.budget.gov.au

    2014-15 Mid-Year Economic and Fiscal Outlook

    Archive Budget Gov

    Original link no longer available
  3. 3
    smh.com.au

    Coalition concedes defeat on paid parental leave levy

    Smh Com

    Original link no longer available
  4. 4
    dss.gov.au

    Paid Parental Leave scheme - Department of Social Services

    Dss Gov

  5. 5
    Julia Gillard's carbon tax promise

    Julia Gillard's carbon tax promise

    embedded pic According to the Merriam-Webster Dictionary, a "gaffe" is a "social or diplomatic blunder, a noticeable mistake" synonymous with a "faux pas, impropriety, indiscretion or a solecism". Every presidential election campaign has its fair share of them, yet this year the number of gaffes - or at least the number being widely reported - seems to have been taken to a whole new level. And contrary to the strict definition, a gaffe no longer needs to be a mistake per se, rather just a poor choice of words which taken out of context can be used against the candidate. That being said, we have seen some doozies. The once-promising presidential candidacy of the Republican governor of Texas, Rick Perry, was largely brought down by a series of gaffes, starting with the name of his family hunting camp - Niggerhead - and culminating in the "oops" moment in a debate last November when he forgot the third government agency he planned to scrap. Another one-time frontrunner, congresswoman Michele Bachmann of Minnesota, also gained a gaffe-prone reputation last year, claiming the American Revolution began in New Hampshire, rather than the actual location of Lexington and Concord in Massachusetts. Ms Bachmann also claimed the HPV vaccine caused mental retardation, and that she was born in the same small Iowa town as movie star John Wayne - when in fact she was born in the same small Iowa town where serial killer John Wayne Gacy grew up. Newt Gingrich may not have technically gaffed but certainly provoked guffaws when he told voters in Florida he'd make the Moon America's 51st state. "We will have the first permanent base on the moon and it will be American," he said. Then there was Rick Santorum's "I don't care what the unemployment rate is going to be." And Herman Cain became a one-man gaffe-machine, including this answer to a question on whether he agreed with the Obama administration's policy on Libya: "I do not agree with the way he handled it for the following reason … Nope, that's a different one… I gotta go back and see. I got all this stuff twirling around in my head. Specifically, what are you asking me that I agree or not disagree with Obama?" Oops indeed. And then there is just about everything Donald Trump has said in the past two years. With such juicy morsels on offer, little wonder the media has an enormous appetite for gaffes this election season. But have we really had an unprecedented series of gaffe-prone candidates, or is this largely the creation of the media? To be fair, reporters being on the look-out for flubs and missteps makes some sense during a primary campaign when candidates are being vetted and tested during a period where substantial policy differences are often few and far between. But is it still a fair ploy during the general election phase? Despite the glee with which campaign hacks seized on Mitt Romney’s somewhat luke-warm endorsement of London's Olympic readiness or vaguely implied criticism of Palestinians as he flattered Israel - does anyone really doubt he'd be able to be appropriately presidential on the world stage? And what about vice president Joe Biden (who has been known to be an affable blowhard for his 40 years in elected office) - does getting a bit mixed up about whether he's in Virginia or North Carolina when he’s in a border town really disqualify him for high office? And is the mere reference to people being in chains really "playing the race card"? But for both Biden and Romney, the narrative of being gaffe-prone is very hard to shake. Once established, just about any speech might contain a line that can be held up as yet another gaffe The media, media consumers and the campaigns seem to be hooked on the political sugar-fix that is the gaffe. President Obama's now-infamous "you didn't build that" comment is only a gaffe if you completely ignore the context and pretend he was saying something he wasn't – yet it, too, is now "a gaffe" – one that’s become a slogan for the Romney campaign. My co-host on Planet America Chas Licciadello has an interesting theory, which I am more than happy to steal: Chas reckons as news organisations cut back on senior staff we are seeing more junior reporters with less experience and less context covering the campaign. And those reporters lack the knowledge to cover policy in any depth, but they can easily write a story based on a gaffe or flub. I certainly suspect there's something in that, but I think there is more to it as well. Back in 1972, a reporter from Rolling Stone magazine named Tim Crouse wrote a classic of the campaign book genre that has tended to be overshadowed by the likes of Teddy White, Hunter S. Thompson and Richard Ben Cramer. As the press bus followed the likes of George McGovern, Ed Muskie and Hubert Humphrey around Iowa and New Hampshire, Crouse turned his focus on the members of the press. The result was The Boys on the Bus – and yes, in 1972 they were almost all boys, or partially-inebriated, chain-smoking men at least. Crouse found that there were some powerful forces leading to a kind of groupthink - certain influential reporters who could effectively determine the news of the day. Journalists with secondary newspapers or TV or radio stations would look to see what the likes of Johnny Apple of the The New York Times or David Broder of The Washington Post were filing from the campaign trail and follow suit. The reason was simple. Journalists had to answer to editors back at head office, who would be displeased if their reporter had missed the angle being covered on page one of the Times or the Post. That, Crouse concluded, was just one of the ways a "pack" of journalists was formed. And like any pack, from time to time they like to single out a weak opponent and bring them down – often by writing about seemingly trivial things like gaffes. Another reason Crouse noted that reporters tend to focus on mistakes is that they represent something new and different. Campaign reporters following a candidate for weeks on end from one town to another will tend to hear the same stump speech time and time again. The same jokes, the same attacks, the same vague policies, five, six times a day. The reporters stop taking notes when they hear it all again and there's no "news" to report – but if then suddenly if candidate gets heckled, says something dumb or trips over on the stairs getting onto a stage – then that becomes news. In 1972 it was Ed Muskie shedding tears (or not) before the New Hampshire primary that became a huge story, so did Hillary Clinton’s tears before New Hampshire voted in early 2008. In 2012, as there was in 2008, there is a new element: Twitter. And this is where the Licciadello Thesis can become useful. Most campaign reporters, certainly just about all under 45, are tweeting all the time this year, reducing debates and speeches to 140 characters or less. Not a lot of room for context or nuance in a tweet. The 24-hour news cycle has become the 24/7 news cycle, never starting or ending but just rolling from a tweet onto a news website, then a panel of pundits on cable news, and from there into a print edition or onto radio talk show – forcing candidates and their campaigns to immediate comment, refute, rephrase or react. Unlike in Tim Crouse's time, today's reporters can simply keep track of each other's tweets to know what the "pack leaders" are thinking and writing about, and the best tweeters are fast becoming the new leaders of that pack. The New Yorker's Ryan Lizza (@ryanlizza), Buzzfeed's Ben Smith (@buzzfeedben), Politico's Maggie Haberman (@maggiepolitico), The Atlantic's Molly Ball (@mollyesque), and Erin McPike (@erinmcpike) from Real Clear Politics are the Apples and Broders of 2012. That's not to say campaign veterans like Joe Klein, George Will or David Brooks now lack influence, or that the younger journalists and tweeters are by definition attracted to trivia, but it seems to me there is something in the speed and economy of the new media as it feeds into the old, stressed, cash-strapped, time-poor established media that may be fuelling a growing hunger for the superficially clickable - the gaffe.

    Abc Net
  6. 6
    The history of 'the recession we had to have'

    The history of 'the recession we had to have'

    It's a new term that has jumped into our lexicon this week with tragic fatalities in Victoria: Thunderstorm asthma. What is this anyway? Find out from an expert.

    ABC Sydney
  7. 7
    australiainstitute.org.au

    Paid Parental Leave: An expensive way to help affluent women

    Australiainstitute Org

    Original link no longer available

Méthodologie de l'échelle de notation

1-3: FAUX

Factuellement incorrect ou fabrication malveillante.

4-6: PARTIEL

Une part de vérité mais le contexte manque ou est biaisé.

7-9: MAJORITAIREMENT VRAI

Détails techniques mineurs ou problèmes de formulation.

10: EXACT

Parfaitement vérifié et contextuellement équitable.

Méthodologie: Les notations sont déterminées par recoupement des documents gouvernementaux officiels, des organisations indépendantes de vérification des faits et des documents sources primaires.

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