Wahr

Bewertung: 7.0/10

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Coalition
C0507

Die Behauptung

“Hat ein Wahlversprechen gebrochen, ein neues bezahltes Elternzeitprogramm einzuführen.”
Wirtschaft
Originalquelle: Matthew Davis

Originalquellen

✅ FAKTENÜBERPRÜFUNG

**WAHR** – Die Koalitionsregierung unter Tony Abbott hat ein Wahlversprechen bezüglich ihres zentralen bezahlten Elternzeitprogramms gebrochen.
**TRUE** - The Coalition government led by Tony Abbott did break an election promise regarding its signature paid parental leave scheme.
 Während des Wahlkampfes zur Bundestagswahl 2013 kündigte Tony Abbott ein großzügiges bezahltes Elternzeitprogramm (Paid Parental Leave, PPL) als Kernstück seiner Politik an.
During the 2013 federal election campaign, Tony Abbott announced a generous paid parental leave (PPL) scheme as a flagship policy.
 Das Programm versprach 26 Wochen bezahlter Urlaub zum vollen Ersatzlohn der Mutter (gedeckelt bei einem Jahresgehalt von 150.000 Australischen Dollar), plus Superannuation-Beiträge [1].
The scheme promised 26 weeks of paid leave at the mother's full replacement wage (capped at an annual salary of $150,000), plus superannuation contributions [1].
 Dies wurde als deutliche Verbesserung gegenüber dem bestehenden Programm der Labor-Regierung präsentiert und während des Wahlkampfes stark beworben.
This was presented as a significant improvement over the existing Labor scheme and was heavily promoted during the campaign.
 Am 2.
On 2 February 2015, at the National Press Club, Prime Minister Tony Abbott formally announced that the policy was being abandoned [1].
 Februar 2015 erklärte Premierminister Tony Abbott im National Press Club formell, dass die Politik aufgegeben werde [1].
Abbott stated the scheme would be "shelved" and described it as a "captain's call" that he had persisted with despite internal party opposition.
 Abbott sagte, das Programm werde „auf Eis gelegt" und bezeichnete es als „Entscheidung des Kapitäns" (captain's call), an der er trotz innerparteilicher Opposition festgehalten habe.
The decision came amid mounting budget pressures and the government's inability to gain Senate support for the associated levy on large companies.
 Die Entscheidung fiel angesichts wachsender Haushaltsdrucks und der Unfähigkeit der Regierung, die Unterstützung des Senats für die damit verbundene Abgabe auf Großunternehmen zu gewinnen.

Fehlender Kontext

Die Behauptung, obwohl sachlich korrekt, lässt wichtigen Kontext aus, der erklärt, warum das Versprechen gebrochen wurde: **Haushaltszwänge und fiskalische Realität:** Als die Koalition im September 2013 die Regierung übernahm, sah sie sich einer sich verschlechternden Haushaltslage gegenüber.
The claim, while factually accurate, lacks important context that helps explain why the promise was broken: **Budget constraints and fiscal reality:** When the Coalition took office in September 2013, the government faced a deteriorating budget position.
 Das Elternzeitprogramm mit geschätzten Kosten von etwa 5,5 Milliarden Australischen Dollar jährlich wurde in einem Umfeld der Haushaltskonsolidierung zunehmend schwer zu rechtfertigen [2]. **Innerparteiliche Opposition:** Das Programm sah sich erheblicher Opposition innerhalb der Koalition selbst gegenüber, einschließlich von Schatzminister Joe Hockey und anderen ranghohen Ministern, die es als fiskalisch unverantwortlich und schlecht zielgerichtet betrachteten.
The paid parental leave scheme, with an estimated cost of approximately $5.5 billion annually, became increasingly difficult to justify in an environment of fiscal consolidation [2]. **Internal party opposition:** The scheme faced significant opposition from within the Coalition itself, including from Treasurer Joe Hockey and other senior ministers who viewed it as fiscally irresponsible and poorly targeted.
 Abbott erkannte diesen inneren Widerstand bei der Ankündigung der Aufgabe an [1]. **Senatsmehrheit:** Der Regierung fehlte die Mehrheit im Senat, um die notwendige Gesetzgebung zu verabschieden, die das Programm über die vorgeschlagene 1,5%-Abgabe auf Unternehmen mit steuerpflichtigem Einkommen über 5 Millionen Australischen Dollar finanzieren sollte [3]. **Rücktritt von einer Kernpolitik:** Dies war keine unwichtige Politik, sondern ein Kernversprechen, das Abbott als Unterscheidungsmerkmal zur Labor-Partei hochgehalten hatte.
Abbott acknowledged this internal resistance when announcing its abandonment [1]. **Senate arithmetic:** The government lacked the Senate numbers to pass the necessary legislation to fund the scheme via the proposed 1.5% levy on companies with taxable incomes over $5 million [3]. **Signature policy reversal:** This was not a minor policy but a signature promise that Abbott had championed as a differentiator from Labor, making its abandonment politically significant.
 Seine Aufgabe war daher politisch bedeutsam.

Bewertung der Quellenglaubwürdigkeit

Die ursprüngliche Quelle ist **ABC News** (abc.net.au) [1], Australiens nationaler öffentlich-rechtlicher Rundfunk, der allgemein als glaubwürdige, etablierte Nachrichtenquelle mit anerkannten redaktionellen Standards gilt.
The original source provided is **ABC News** (abc.net.au) [1], which is Australia's national public broadcaster and is generally considered a credible, mainstream news source with established editorial standards.
 ABC News hat keine erklärte parteiliche Ausrichtung und wird unabhängig von der Regierung über Dreijahresbewilligungen finanziert.
ABC News has no stated partisan alignment and is funded independently of government through triennial appropriations.
 Obwohl ABC News im Allgemeinen zuverlässig ist, wurde sie von beiden großen Parteien zu unterschiedlichen Zeiten kritisiert, was darauf hindeutet, dass sie mit relativer Unabhängigkeit arbeitet.
While generally reliable, the ABC has faced criticism from both major parties at different times, which suggests it operates with relative independence.
 Für diese spezifische Behauptung über eine Politikankündigung bietet der ABC-Bericht von der tatsächlichen Pressekonferenz direkte, ersthandige Berichterstattung.
For this particular claim about a policy announcement, the ABC's report from the actual press conference provides direct, firsthand coverage.
⚖️

Labor-Vergleich

**Hat Labor etwas Ähnliches getan?** Labor führte unter der Gillard-Regierung 2011 Australiens erstes nationales bezahltes Elternzeitprogramm ein, das 2011 in Betrieb ging [4].
**Did Labor do something similar?** Labor introduced Australia's first national paid parental leave scheme in 2011 under the Gillard government, which began operations in 2011 [4].
 Das Programm der Labor-Regierung war jedoch deutlich weniger großzügig: - **Labor-Programm:** 18 Wochen zum Mindestlohn (etwa 740 Australische Dollar pro Woche im Jahr 2015) - **Abbotts versprochenes Programm:** 26 Wochen zum vollen Ersatzlohn (gedeckelt bei einem Gehalt von 150.000 Australischen Dollar) Labor brach kein Versprechen zum bezahlten Elternurlaub auf die gleiche Weise, da sie ihr bescheideneres Programm umsetzten.
However, Labor's scheme was significantly less generous: - **Labor scheme:** 18 weeks at the national minimum wage (approximately $740 per week in 2015) - **Abbott promised scheme:** 26 weeks at full replacement wage (capped at $150,000 salary) Labor did not break a promise on paid parental leave in the same way, as they delivered their more modest scheme.
 Allerdings brach Labor in anderen Bereichen bedeutende Wahlversprechen, insbesondere: - Die Kehrtwende der Gillard-Regierung bei der CO2-Bepreisung („Es wird unter der Regierung, die ich anführe, keine CO2-Steuer geben") [5] - Die L-A-W-Steuersenkungsversprechen der Keating-Regierung, die nicht umgesetzt wurden [6] Der entscheidende Unterschied besteht darin, dass Abbotts bezahlter Elternurlaub eine Kernpolitik war, die stark beworben und ausdrücklich aufgegeben wurde, während Labors Programm umgesetzt wurde (wenn auch in begrenzterer Form als Abbott versprochen hatte).
However, Labor has broken significant election promises in other areas, most notably: - The Gillard government's carbon pricing backflip ("There will be no carbon tax under the government I lead") [5] - The Keating government's L-A-W tax cuts promise that were not delivered [6] The key difference is that Abbott's paid parental leave was a signature, heavily-promoted policy that was explicitly abandoned, whereas Labor's scheme was delivered (albeit in a more limited form than Abbott had promised).
🌐

Ausgewogene Perspektive

Obwohl die Behauptung sachlich korrekt ist, dass das Versprechen gebrochen wurde, umfasst die ganze Geschichte legitime kontextuelle Faktoren: **Rechtfertigung der Regierung:** Die Abbott-Regierung führte verschlechterte fiskalische Umstände und die Notwendigkeit der Haushaltssanierung als Hauptgründe für das Zurückstellen des Programms an.
While the claim is factually correct that the promise was broken, the full story includes legitimate contextual factors: **Government justification:** The Abbott government cited changed fiscal circumstances and the need for budget repair as the primary reasons for shelving the scheme.
 Die Regierung sah sich einem prognostizierten Haushaltsdefizit gegenüber, das größer war als erwartet, als das Versprechen gemacht wurde [2]. **Umstrittene Politikmeriten:** Das vorgeschlagene Programm wurde von Ökonomen und Politikexperten als teuer und schlecht zielgerichtet kritisiert und verschaffte höheren Einkommensbeziehern überproportionale Vorteile.
The government faced a projected budget deficit that was larger than anticipated when the promise was made [2]. **Policy merits debated:** The proposed scheme had been criticized by economists and policy experts as expensive and poorly targeted, providing disproportionate benefits to higher-income earners.
 Das Australia Institute und andere politische Organisationen hatten in Frage gestellt, ob das Programm eine gute Kosten-Nutzen-Relation darstellte [7]. **Politischer Preis:** Der Bruch dieses Versprechens war politisch schädlich für Abbott, insbesondere bei Wählerinnen, und trug zu Wahrnehmungen der Regierung als unvertrauenswürdig bei.
The Australia Institute and other policy organizations had questioned whether the scheme represented value for money [7]. **Political cost:** Breaking this promise was politically damaging for Abbott, particularly among women voters, and contributed to perceptions of the government as untrustworthy.
 Die Formulierung „Entscheidung des Kapitäns" verstärkte Bedenken über Abbotts Führungsstil. **Alternative der Labor-Regierung:** Die Regierung behielt das bestehende, bescheidener bezahlte Elternzeitprogramm der Labor-Regierung bei, was bedeutete, dass Eltern nicht ohne jegliche Unterstützung waren – sie erhielten einfach nicht die großzügigere Alternative der Koalition, die versprochen worden war. **Vergleichender Kontext:** Während gebrochene Versprechen jeder Regierung Glaubwürdigkeitsschaden zufügen, kann diese spezielle Umkehrung als Reaktion auf fiskalische Realitäten gesehen werden, nicht als bloße politische Opportunität.
The "captain's call" framing reinforced concerns about Abbott's leadership style. **Labor's alternative:** The government retained Labor's existing, more modest paid parental leave scheme, meaning parents were not left without any support - they simply did not receive the more generous Coalition alternative that had been promised. **Comparative context:** While broken promises are damaging to any government's credibility, this particular reversal can be viewed as a response to fiscal reality rather than mere political expediency.
 Die Regierung sah sich echten Haushaltsdrücken gegenüber, die die Rechtfertigung des teuren Programms erschwerten.
The government faced genuine budget pressures that made the expensive scheme difficult to justify.

WAHR

7.0

von 10

Die Koalitionsregierung hat ein ausdrückliches Wahlversprechen gebrochen, ein großzügigeres Elternzeitprogramm einzuführen.
The Coalition government did break an explicit election promise to introduce a more generous paid parental leave scheme.
 Tony Abbott gab bekannt, dass die Politik im Februar 2015 aufgegeben werde, etwa 18 Monate nach Amtsantritt.
Tony Abbott announced the policy would be abandoned in February 2015, approximately 18 months after taking office.
 Dies war eine klare, unmissverständliche Umkehrung eines wichtigen Wahlkampfversprechens.
This was a clear, unambiguous reversal of a major campaign commitment.

📚 QUELLEN UND ZITATE (7)

  1. 1
    Tony Abbott shelves paid parental leave scheme, describes policy as a 'captain's call'

    Tony Abbott shelves paid parental leave scheme, describes policy as a 'captain's call'

    Coalition MPs sound out frontbenchers Julie Bishop and Malcolm Turnbull as potential replacements for the PM, as Tony Abbott prepares to dump his paid parental leave scheme in a key speech.

    Abc Net
  2. 2
    archive.budget.gov.au

    2014-15 Mid-Year Economic and Fiscal Outlook

    Archive Budget Gov

    Original link no longer available
  3. 3
    smh.com.au

    Coalition concedes defeat on paid parental leave levy

    Smh Com

    Original link no longer available
  4. 4
    dss.gov.au

    Paid Parental Leave scheme - Department of Social Services

    Dss Gov

  5. 5
    Julia Gillard's carbon tax promise

    Julia Gillard's carbon tax promise

    embedded pic According to the Merriam-Webster Dictionary, a "gaffe" is a "social or diplomatic blunder, a noticeable mistake" synonymous with a "faux pas, impropriety, indiscretion or a solecism". Every presidential election campaign has its fair share of them, yet this year the number of gaffes - or at least the number being widely reported - seems to have been taken to a whole new level. And contrary to the strict definition, a gaffe no longer needs to be a mistake per se, rather just a poor choice of words which taken out of context can be used against the candidate. That being said, we have seen some doozies. The once-promising presidential candidacy of the Republican governor of Texas, Rick Perry, was largely brought down by a series of gaffes, starting with the name of his family hunting camp - Niggerhead - and culminating in the "oops" moment in a debate last November when he forgot the third government agency he planned to scrap. Another one-time frontrunner, congresswoman Michele Bachmann of Minnesota, also gained a gaffe-prone reputation last year, claiming the American Revolution began in New Hampshire, rather than the actual location of Lexington and Concord in Massachusetts. Ms Bachmann also claimed the HPV vaccine caused mental retardation, and that she was born in the same small Iowa town as movie star John Wayne - when in fact she was born in the same small Iowa town where serial killer John Wayne Gacy grew up. Newt Gingrich may not have technically gaffed but certainly provoked guffaws when he told voters in Florida he'd make the Moon America's 51st state. "We will have the first permanent base on the moon and it will be American," he said. Then there was Rick Santorum's "I don't care what the unemployment rate is going to be." And Herman Cain became a one-man gaffe-machine, including this answer to a question on whether he agreed with the Obama administration's policy on Libya: "I do not agree with the way he handled it for the following reason … Nope, that's a different one… I gotta go back and see. I got all this stuff twirling around in my head. Specifically, what are you asking me that I agree or not disagree with Obama?" Oops indeed. And then there is just about everything Donald Trump has said in the past two years. With such juicy morsels on offer, little wonder the media has an enormous appetite for gaffes this election season. But have we really had an unprecedented series of gaffe-prone candidates, or is this largely the creation of the media? To be fair, reporters being on the look-out for flubs and missteps makes some sense during a primary campaign when candidates are being vetted and tested during a period where substantial policy differences are often few and far between. But is it still a fair ploy during the general election phase? Despite the glee with which campaign hacks seized on Mitt Romney’s somewhat luke-warm endorsement of London's Olympic readiness or vaguely implied criticism of Palestinians as he flattered Israel - does anyone really doubt he'd be able to be appropriately presidential on the world stage? And what about vice president Joe Biden (who has been known to be an affable blowhard for his 40 years in elected office) - does getting a bit mixed up about whether he's in Virginia or North Carolina when he’s in a border town really disqualify him for high office? And is the mere reference to people being in chains really "playing the race card"? But for both Biden and Romney, the narrative of being gaffe-prone is very hard to shake. Once established, just about any speech might contain a line that can be held up as yet another gaffe The media, media consumers and the campaigns seem to be hooked on the political sugar-fix that is the gaffe. President Obama's now-infamous "you didn't build that" comment is only a gaffe if you completely ignore the context and pretend he was saying something he wasn't – yet it, too, is now "a gaffe" – one that’s become a slogan for the Romney campaign. My co-host on Planet America Chas Licciadello has an interesting theory, which I am more than happy to steal: Chas reckons as news organisations cut back on senior staff we are seeing more junior reporters with less experience and less context covering the campaign. And those reporters lack the knowledge to cover policy in any depth, but they can easily write a story based on a gaffe or flub. I certainly suspect there's something in that, but I think there is more to it as well. Back in 1972, a reporter from Rolling Stone magazine named Tim Crouse wrote a classic of the campaign book genre that has tended to be overshadowed by the likes of Teddy White, Hunter S. Thompson and Richard Ben Cramer. As the press bus followed the likes of George McGovern, Ed Muskie and Hubert Humphrey around Iowa and New Hampshire, Crouse turned his focus on the members of the press. The result was The Boys on the Bus – and yes, in 1972 they were almost all boys, or partially-inebriated, chain-smoking men at least. Crouse found that there were some powerful forces leading to a kind of groupthink - certain influential reporters who could effectively determine the news of the day. Journalists with secondary newspapers or TV or radio stations would look to see what the likes of Johnny Apple of the The New York Times or David Broder of The Washington Post were filing from the campaign trail and follow suit. The reason was simple. Journalists had to answer to editors back at head office, who would be displeased if their reporter had missed the angle being covered on page one of the Times or the Post. That, Crouse concluded, was just one of the ways a "pack" of journalists was formed. And like any pack, from time to time they like to single out a weak opponent and bring them down – often by writing about seemingly trivial things like gaffes. Another reason Crouse noted that reporters tend to focus on mistakes is that they represent something new and different. Campaign reporters following a candidate for weeks on end from one town to another will tend to hear the same stump speech time and time again. The same jokes, the same attacks, the same vague policies, five, six times a day. The reporters stop taking notes when they hear it all again and there's no "news" to report – but if then suddenly if candidate gets heckled, says something dumb or trips over on the stairs getting onto a stage – then that becomes news. In 1972 it was Ed Muskie shedding tears (or not) before the New Hampshire primary that became a huge story, so did Hillary Clinton’s tears before New Hampshire voted in early 2008. In 2012, as there was in 2008, there is a new element: Twitter. And this is where the Licciadello Thesis can become useful. Most campaign reporters, certainly just about all under 45, are tweeting all the time this year, reducing debates and speeches to 140 characters or less. Not a lot of room for context or nuance in a tweet. The 24-hour news cycle has become the 24/7 news cycle, never starting or ending but just rolling from a tweet onto a news website, then a panel of pundits on cable news, and from there into a print edition or onto radio talk show – forcing candidates and their campaigns to immediate comment, refute, rephrase or react. Unlike in Tim Crouse's time, today's reporters can simply keep track of each other's tweets to know what the "pack leaders" are thinking and writing about, and the best tweeters are fast becoming the new leaders of that pack. The New Yorker's Ryan Lizza (@ryanlizza), Buzzfeed's Ben Smith (@buzzfeedben), Politico's Maggie Haberman (@maggiepolitico), The Atlantic's Molly Ball (@mollyesque), and Erin McPike (@erinmcpike) from Real Clear Politics are the Apples and Broders of 2012. That's not to say campaign veterans like Joe Klein, George Will or David Brooks now lack influence, or that the younger journalists and tweeters are by definition attracted to trivia, but it seems to me there is something in the speed and economy of the new media as it feeds into the old, stressed, cash-strapped, time-poor established media that may be fuelling a growing hunger for the superficially clickable - the gaffe.

    Abc Net
  6. 6
    The history of 'the recession we had to have'

    The history of 'the recession we had to have'

    It's a new term that has jumped into our lexicon this week with tragic fatalities in Victoria: Thunderstorm asthma. What is this anyway? Find out from an expert.

    ABC Sydney
  7. 7
    australiainstitute.org.au

    Paid Parental Leave: An expensive way to help affluent women

    Australiainstitute Org

    Original link no longer available

Bewertungsskala-Methodik

1-3: FALSCH

Sachlich falsch oder böswillige Fälschung.

4-6: TEILWEISE

Etwas Wahrheit, aber Kontext fehlt oder ist verzerrt.

7-9: GRÖSSTENTEILS WAHR

Kleine technische Details oder Formulierungsprobleme.

10: KORREKT

Perfekt verifiziert und kontextuell fair.

Methodik: Bewertungen werden durch Abgleich offizieller Regierungsdokumente, unabhängiger Faktenprüfungsorganisationen und Primärquellendokumente bestimmt.

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