真實

評分: 7.0/10

Coalition
C0507

主張

“違反了引入新帶薪育兒計劃的競選承諾。”
原始來源: Matthew Davis

原始來源

事實查核

** * ** * 真實ㄓㄣ ㄕˊ zhēn shí ** * ** * -- - CoalitionCoalition Coalition 政府ㄓㄥˋ ㄈㄨˇ zhèng fǔ ㄧㄡˊ yóu TonyTony Tony AbbottAbbott Abbott 領導ㄌㄧㄥˇ ㄉㄠˇ lǐng dǎo 確實ㄑㄩㄝˋ ㄕˊ què shí 違反ㄨㄟˊ ㄈㄢˇ wéi fǎn 了關ㄌㄜ˙ ㄍㄨㄢ le guān ㄩˊ ㄑㄧˊ 標誌ㄅㄧㄠ ㄓˋ biāo zhì 性帶ㄒㄧㄥˋ ㄉㄞˋ xìng dài 薪育兒ㄒㄧㄣ ㄩˋ ㄦˊ xīn yù ér 計劃ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ jì huà ㄉㄜ˙ de 競選承諾ㄐㄧㄥˋ ㄒㄩㄢˇ ㄔㄥˊ ㄋㄨㄛˋ jìng xuǎn chéng nuò
**TRUE** - The Coalition government led by Tony Abbott did break an election promise regarding its signature paid parental leave scheme.
ㄗㄞˋ zài 20132013 2013 ㄋㄧㄢˊ nián 聯邦ㄌㄧㄢˊ ㄅㄤ lián bāng 競選期ㄐㄧㄥˋ ㄒㄩㄢˇ ㄑㄧ jìng xuǎn qī ㄐㄧㄢ jiān TonyTony Tony AbbottAbbott Abbott 宣布ㄒㄩㄢ ㄅㄨˋ xuān bù ㄌㄜ˙ le 一項ㄧ ㄒㄧㄤˋ yī xiàng 慷慨ㄎㄤ ㄎㄞˇ kāng kǎi ㄉㄜ˙ de ㄉㄞˋ dài 薪育兒ㄒㄧㄣ ㄩˋ ㄦˊ xīn yù ér 計劃ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ jì huà PPLPPL PPL 作為ㄗㄨㄛˋ ㄨㄟˋ zuò wèi 旗艦ㄑㄧˊ ㄐㄧㄢˋ qí jiàn 政策ㄓㄥˋ ㄘㄜˋ zhèng cè
During the 2013 federal election campaign, Tony Abbott announced a generous paid parental leave (PPL) scheme as a flagship policy.
該計劃ㄍㄞ ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ gāi jì huà 承諾ㄔㄥˊ ㄋㄨㄛˋ chéng nuò 提供ㄊㄧˊ ㄍㄨㄥ tí gōng 2626 26 ㄓㄡ zhōu ㄉㄜ˙ de 帶薪ㄉㄞˋ ㄒㄧㄣ dài xīn 假期ㄐㄧㄚˋ ㄑㄧ jià qī 按母親ㄢˋ ㄇㄨˇ ㄑㄧㄣ àn mǔ qīn ㄉㄜ˙ de 全額ㄑㄩㄢˊ ㄜˊ quán é 替代ㄊㄧˋ ㄉㄞˋ tì dài 工資ㄍㄨㄥ ㄗ gōng zī 計算ㄐㄧˋ ㄙㄨㄢˋ jì suàn 年薪ㄋㄧㄢˊ ㄒㄧㄣ nián xīn 上限ㄕㄤˋ ㄒㄧㄢˋ shàng xiàn ㄨㄟˋ wèi 150150 150 ,, , 000000 000 澳元ㄠˋ ㄩㄢˊ ào yuán ㄅㄧㄥˋ bìng 包括ㄅㄠ ㄎㄨㄛˋ bāo kuò 退休金ㄊㄨㄟˋ ㄒㄧㄡ ㄐㄧㄣ tuì xiū jīn 供款ㄍㄨㄥ ㄎㄨㄢˇ gōng kuǎn [[ [ 11 1 ]] ]
The scheme promised 26 weeks of paid leave at the mother's full replacement wage (capped at an annual salary of $150,000), plus superannuation contributions [1].
這被ㄓㄜˋ ㄅㄟˋ zhè bèi 定位ㄉㄧㄥˋ ㄨㄟˋ dìng wèi ㄨㄟˋ wèi ㄉㄨㄟˋ duì 現有ㄒㄧㄢˋ ㄧㄡˇ xiàn yǒu LaborLabor Labor 計劃ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ jì huà ㄉㄜ˙ de 重大ㄓㄨㄥˋ ㄉㄚˋ zhòng dà 改進ㄍㄞˇ ㄐㄧㄣˋ gǎi jìn 並在ㄅㄧㄥˋ ㄗㄞˋ bìng zài 競選期ㄐㄧㄥˋ ㄒㄩㄢˇ ㄑㄧ jìng xuǎn qī ㄐㄧㄢ jiān 大力ㄉㄚˋ ㄌㄧˋ dà lì 宣傳ㄒㄩㄢ ㄔㄨㄢˊ xuān chuán
This was presented as a significant improvement over the existing Labor scheme and was heavily promoted during the campaign.
20152015 2015 ㄋㄧㄢˊ nián 22 2 ㄩㄝˋ yuè 22 2 ㄖˋ ㄗㄞˋ zài 國家ㄍㄨㄛˊ ㄐㄧㄚ guó jiā 新聞ㄒㄧㄣ ㄨㄣˊ xīn wén 俱樂部ㄐㄩˋ ㄌㄜˋ ㄅㄨˋ jù lè bù 總理ㄗㄨㄥˇ ㄌㄧˇ zǒng lǐ TonyTony Tony AbbottAbbott Abbott 正式ㄓㄥˋ ㄕˋ zhèng shì 宣布ㄒㄩㄢ ㄅㄨˋ xuān bù ㄍㄞ gāi 政策ㄓㄥˋ ㄘㄜˋ zhèng cè 將被ㄐㄧㄤ ㄅㄟˋ jiāng bèi 放棄ㄈㄤˋ ㄑㄧˋ fàng qì [[ [ 11 1 ]] ]
On 2 February 2015, at the National Press Club, Prime Minister Tony Abbott formally announced that the policy was being abandoned [1].
AbbottAbbott Abbott 表示ㄅㄧㄠˇ ㄕˋ biǎo shì ㄍㄞ gāi 計劃將ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ ㄐㄧㄤ jì huà jiāng ㄅㄟˋ bèi 擱置ㄍㄜ ㄓˋ gē zhì ㄅㄧㄥˋ bìng 形容ㄒㄧㄥˊ ㄖㄨㄥˊ xíng róng 這是ㄓㄜˋ ㄕˋ zhè shì 一個ㄧ ㄍㄜˋ yī gè 隊長ㄉㄨㄟˋ ㄓㄤˇ duì zhǎng 決定ㄐㄩㄝˊ ㄉㄧㄥˋ jué dìng ㄊㄚ ㄐㄧㄣˇ jǐn ㄍㄨㄢˇ guǎn ㄇㄧㄢˋ miàn ㄌㄧㄣˊ lín ㄉㄤˇ dǎng ㄋㄟˋ nèi ㄈㄢˇ fǎn ㄉㄨㄟˋ duì ㄖㄥˊ réng ㄐㄧㄢ jiān ㄔˊ chí 推行ㄊㄨㄟ ㄒㄧㄥˊ tuī xíng
Abbott stated the scheme would be "shelved" and described it as a "captain's call" that he had persisted with despite internal party opposition.
這一ㄓㄜˋ ㄧ zhè yī 決定ㄐㄩㄝˊ ㄉㄧㄥˋ jué dìng ㄕˋ shì ㄗㄞˋ zài 不斷ㄅㄨˋ ㄉㄨㄢˋ bù duàn 加劇ㄐㄧㄚ ㄐㄩˋ jiā jù ㄉㄜ˙ de 預算ㄩˋ ㄙㄨㄢˋ yù suàn 壓力ㄧㄚ ㄌㄧˋ yā lì 以及ㄧˇ ㄐㄧˊ yǐ jí 政府ㄓㄥˋ ㄈㄨˇ zhèng fǔ 無法ㄨˊ ㄈㄚˇ wú fǎ 獲得ㄏㄨㄛˋ ㄉㄜˊ huò dé 參議院ㄘㄢ ㄧˋ ㄩㄢˋ cān yì yuàn 支持ㄓ ㄔˊ zhī chí 對大ㄉㄨㄟˋ ㄉㄚˋ duì dà 公司ㄍㄨㄥ ㄙ gōng sī 徵收ㄓㄥ ㄕㄡ zhēng shōu 相關ㄒㄧㄤ ㄍㄨㄢ xiāng guān 稅款ㄕㄨㄟˋ ㄎㄨㄢˇ shuì kuǎn ㄉㄜ˙ de 背景ㄅㄟˋ ㄐㄧㄥˇ bèi jǐng ㄒㄧㄚˋ xià 做出ㄗㄨㄛˋ ㄔㄨ zuò chū ㄉㄜ˙ de
The decision came amid mounting budget pressures and the government's inability to gain Senate support for the associated levy on large companies.

缺失的脈絡

ㄍㄞ gāi 指控ㄓˇ ㄎㄨㄥˋ zhǐ kòng 雖然ㄙㄨㄟ ㄖㄢˊ suī rán ㄗㄞˋ zài ㄕˋ shì 實上ㄕˊ ㄕㄤˋ shí shàng 準確ㄓㄨㄣˇ ㄑㄩㄝˋ zhǔn què ㄉㄢˋ dàn 缺乏ㄑㄩㄝ ㄈㄚˊ quē fá 有助ㄧㄡˇ ㄓㄨˋ yǒu zhù ㄩˊ 解釋ㄐㄧㄝˇ ㄕˋ jiě shì ㄨㄟˋ wèi 何承諾ㄏㄜˊ ㄔㄥˊ ㄋㄨㄛˋ hé chéng nuò ㄅㄟˋ bèi 打破ㄉㄚˇ ㄆㄛˋ dǎ pò ㄉㄜ˙ de 重要ㄓㄨㄥˋ ㄧㄠˋ zhòng yào 背景ㄅㄟˋ ㄐㄧㄥˇ bèi jǐng
The claim, while factually accurate, lacks important context that helps explain why the promise was broken: **Budget constraints and fiscal reality:** When the Coalition took office in September 2013, the government faced a deteriorating budget position.
** * ** * 預算ㄩˋ ㄙㄨㄢˋ yù suàn 限制ㄒㄧㄢˋ ㄓˋ xiàn zhì ㄩˇ 財政ㄘㄞˊ ㄓㄥˋ cái zhèng 現實ㄒㄧㄢˋ ㄕˊ xiàn shí ** * ** * ㄉㄤ dāng CoalitionCoalition Coalition ㄩˊ 20132013 2013 ㄋㄧㄢˊ nián 99 9 ㄩㄝˋ yuè 上台ㄕㄤˋ ㄊㄞˊ shàng tái ㄕˊ shí 政府ㄓㄥˋ ㄈㄨˇ zhèng fǔ 面臨ㄇㄧㄢˋ ㄌㄧㄣˊ miàn lín 惡化ㄜˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ è huà ㄉㄜ˙ de 財政狀況ㄘㄞˊ ㄓㄥˋ ㄓㄨㄤˋ ㄎㄨㄤˋ cái zhèng zhuàng kuàng
The paid parental leave scheme, with an estimated cost of approximately $5.5 billion annually, became increasingly difficult to justify in an environment of fiscal consolidation [2]. **Internal party opposition:** The scheme faced significant opposition from within the Coalition itself, including from Treasurer Joe Hockey and other senior ministers who viewed it as fiscally irresponsible and poorly targeted.
帶薪育兒ㄉㄞˋ ㄒㄧㄣ ㄩˋ ㄦˊ dài xīn yù ér 計劃ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ jì huà 每年ㄇㄟˇ ㄋㄧㄢˊ měi nián 估計ㄍㄨ ㄐㄧˋ gū jì 成本ㄔㄥˊ ㄅㄣˇ chéng běn ㄩㄝ yuē ㄨㄟˋ wèi 5555 55 ㄧˋ 澳元ㄠˋ ㄩㄢˊ ào yuán ㄗㄞˋ zài 財政緊ㄘㄞˊ ㄓㄥˋ ㄐㄧㄣˇ cái zhèng jǐn ㄙㄨㄛ suō ㄉㄜ˙ de 環境ㄏㄨㄢˊ ㄐㄧㄥˋ huán jìng ㄒㄧㄚˋ xià 越來ㄩㄝˋ ㄌㄞˊ yuè lái ㄩㄝˋ yuè 難以ㄋㄢˊ ㄧˇ nán yǐ 證明ㄓㄥˋ ㄇㄧㄥˊ zhèng míng ㄑㄧˊ 合理性ㄏㄜˊ ㄌㄧˇ ㄒㄧㄥˋ hé lǐ xìng [[ [ 22 2 ]] ]
Abbott acknowledged this internal resistance when announcing its abandonment [1]. **Senate arithmetic:** The government lacked the Senate numbers to pass the necessary legislation to fund the scheme via the proposed 1.5% levy on companies with taxable incomes over $5 million [3]. **Signature policy reversal:** This was not a minor policy but a signature promise that Abbott had championed as a differentiator from Labor, making its abandonment politically significant.
** * ** * 黨內ㄉㄤˇ ㄋㄟˋ dǎng nèi 反對ㄈㄢˇ ㄉㄨㄟˋ fǎn duì ** * ** * 該計劃ㄍㄞ ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ gāi jì huà ㄗㄞˋ zài CoalitionCoalition Coalition 內部ㄋㄟˋ ㄅㄨˋ nèi bù 面臨ㄇㄧㄢˋ ㄌㄧㄣˊ miàn lín 重大ㄓㄨㄥˋ ㄉㄚˋ zhòng dà 反對ㄈㄢˇ ㄉㄨㄟˋ fǎn duì 包括ㄅㄠ ㄎㄨㄛˋ bāo kuò ㄌㄞˊ lái 自財長ㄗˋ ㄘㄞˊ ㄓㄤˇ zì cái zhǎng JoeJoe Joe HockeyHockey Hockey ㄏㄜˊ 其他ㄑㄧˊ ㄊㄚ qí tā 高級ㄍㄠ ㄐㄧˊ gāo jí 部長ㄅㄨˋ ㄓㄤˇ bù zhǎng 他們ㄊㄚ ㄇㄣ˙ tā men 認為ㄖㄣˋ ㄨㄟˋ rèn wèi ㄍㄞ gāi 計劃ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ jì huà ㄗㄞˋ zài 財政上ㄘㄞˊ ㄓㄥˋ ㄕㄤˋ cái zhèng shàng ㄅㄨˋ 負責ㄈㄨˋ ㄗㄜˊ fù zé 任且ㄖㄣˋ ㄑㄧㄝˇ rèn qiě 目標ㄇㄨˋ ㄅㄧㄠ mù biāo 定位ㄉㄧㄥˋ ㄨㄟˋ dìng wèi 不當ㄅㄨˋ ㄉㄤ bù dāng
AbbottAbbott Abbott ㄗㄞˋ zài 宣布ㄒㄩㄢ ㄅㄨˋ xuān bù 放棄ㄈㄤˋ ㄑㄧˋ fàng qì ㄍㄞ gāi 計劃ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ jì huà 時承認ㄕˊ ㄔㄥˊ ㄖㄣˋ shí chéng rèn ㄌㄜ˙ le 這種ㄓㄜˋ ㄓㄨㄥˇ zhè zhǒng 內部ㄋㄟˋ ㄅㄨˋ nèi bù 阻力ㄗㄨˇ ㄌㄧˋ zǔ lì [[ [ 11 1 ]] ]
** * ** * 參議院ㄘㄢ ㄧˋ ㄩㄢˋ cān yì yuàn 席位ㄒㄧˊ ㄨㄟˋ xí wèi ** * ** * 政府ㄓㄥˋ ㄈㄨˇ zhèng fǔ 缺乏ㄑㄩㄝ ㄈㄚˊ quē fá 參議院ㄘㄢ ㄧˋ ㄩㄢˋ cān yì yuàn 席位ㄒㄧˊ ㄨㄟˋ xí wèi ㄌㄞˊ lái 通過ㄊㄨㄥ ㄍㄨㄛˋ tōng guò 必要ㄅㄧˋ ㄧㄠˋ bì yào ㄉㄜ˙ de 立法ㄌㄧˋ ㄈㄚˇ lì fǎ 以通過ㄧˇ ㄊㄨㄥ ㄍㄨㄛˋ yǐ tōng guò 擬議ㄋㄧˇ ㄧˋ nǐ yì ㄉㄜ˙ de ㄉㄨㄟˋ duì 應稅ㄧㄥ ㄕㄨㄟˋ yīng shuì 收入ㄕㄡ ㄖㄨˋ shōu rù 超過ㄔㄠ ㄍㄨㄛˋ chāo guò 500500 500 ㄨㄢˋ wàn 澳元ㄠˋ ㄩㄢˊ ào yuán ㄉㄜ˙ de 公司ㄍㄨㄥ ㄙ gōng sī 徵收ㄓㄥ ㄕㄡ zhēng shōu 1.5%1.5% 1.5% 稅款ㄕㄨㄟˋ ㄎㄨㄢˇ shuì kuǎn ㄌㄞˊ lái 資助ㄗ ㄓㄨˋ zī zhù ㄍㄞ gāi 計劃ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ jì huà [[ [ 33 3 ]] ]
** * ** * 標誌ㄅㄧㄠ ㄓˋ biāo zhì ㄒㄧㄥˋ xìng 政策ㄓㄥˋ ㄘㄜˋ zhèng cè 逆轉ㄋㄧˋ ㄓㄨㄢˇ nì zhuǎn ** * ** * ㄓㄜˋ zhè 不是ㄅㄨˊ ㄕˋ bú shì 一項ㄧ ㄒㄧㄤˋ yī xiàng ㄒㄧㄠˇ xiǎo 政策ㄓㄥˋ ㄘㄜˋ zhèng cè 而是ㄦˊ ㄕˋ ér shì AbbottAbbott Abbott 作為ㄗㄨㄛˋ ㄨㄟˋ zuò wèi ㄩˇ LaborLabor Labor 區隔ㄑㄩ ㄍㄜˊ qū gé ㄉㄜ˙ de 差異化ㄔㄚˋ ㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ chà yì huà 因素ㄧㄣ ㄙㄨˋ yīn sù ㄙㄨㄛˇ suǒ 倡導ㄔㄤˋ ㄉㄠˇ chàng dǎo ㄉㄜ˙ de 標誌ㄅㄧㄠ ㄓˋ biāo zhì 性承諾ㄒㄧㄥˋ ㄔㄥˊ ㄋㄨㄛˋ xìng chéng nuò 使ㄕˇ shǐ 其放棄ㄑㄧˊ ㄈㄤˋ ㄑㄧˋ qí fàng qì 具有ㄐㄩˋ ㄧㄡˇ jù yǒu 重大ㄓㄨㄥˋ ㄉㄚˋ zhòng dà 政治ㄓㄥˋ ㄓˋ zhèng zhì 意義ㄧˋ ㄧˋ yì yì

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提供ㄊㄧˊ ㄍㄨㄥ tí gōng ㄉㄜ˙ de 原始ㄩㄢˊ ㄕˇ yuán shǐ 來源ㄌㄞˊ ㄩㄢˊ lái yuán ㄕˋ shì ** * ** * ABCABC ABC NewsNews News ** * ** * abcabc abc .. . netnet net .. . auau au [[ [ 11 1 ]] ] 這是ㄓㄜˋ ㄕˋ zhè shì 澳洲ㄠˋ ㄓㄡ ào zhōu ㄉㄜ˙ de 國家ㄍㄨㄛˊ ㄐㄧㄚ guó jiā 公共ㄍㄨㄥ ㄍㄨㄥˋ gōng gòng 廣播ㄍㄨㄤˇ ㄅㄛ guǎng bō 機構ㄐㄧ ㄍㄡˋ jī gòu 通常ㄊㄨㄥ ㄔㄤˊ tōng cháng 被視ㄅㄟˋ ㄕˋ bèi shì ㄨㄟˋ wèi 具有ㄐㄩˋ ㄧㄡˇ jù yǒu 既定ㄐㄧˋ ㄉㄧㄥˋ jì dìng 編輯ㄅㄧㄢ ㄐㄧˊ biān jí 標準ㄅㄧㄠ ㄓㄨㄣˇ biāo zhǔn ㄉㄜ˙ de 可靠ㄎㄜˇ ㄎㄠˋ kě kào 主流ㄓㄨˇ ㄌㄧㄡˊ zhǔ liú 新聞ㄒㄧㄣ ㄨㄣˊ xīn wén 來源ㄌㄞˊ ㄩㄢˊ lái yuán
The original source provided is **ABC News** (abc.net.au) [1], which is Australia's national public broadcaster and is generally considered a credible, mainstream news source with established editorial standards.
ABCABC ABC NewsNews News 沒有ㄇㄟˊ ㄧㄡˇ méi yǒu 明確ㄇㄧㄥˊ ㄑㄩㄝˋ míng què ㄉㄜ˙ de ㄉㄤˇ dǎng ㄆㄞˋ pài 立場ㄌㄧˋ ㄔㄤˇ lì chǎng 通過ㄊㄨㄥ ㄍㄨㄛˋ tōng guò 三年ㄙㄢ ㄋㄧㄢˊ sān nián 一度ㄧˊ ㄉㄨˋ yí dù ㄉㄜ˙ de 撥款ㄅㄛ ㄎㄨㄢˇ bō kuǎn 獨立ㄉㄨˊ ㄌㄧˋ dú lì ㄩˊ 政府ㄓㄥˋ ㄈㄨˇ zhèng fǔ 資助ㄗ ㄓㄨˋ zī zhù
ABC News has no stated partisan alignment and is funded independently of government through triennial appropriations.
雖然ㄙㄨㄟ ㄖㄢˊ suī rán 通常ㄊㄨㄥ ㄔㄤˊ tōng cháng 可靠ㄎㄜˇ ㄎㄠˋ kě kào ㄉㄢˋ dàn ABCABC ABC ㄗㄞˋ zài 不同ㄅㄨˋ ㄊㄨㄥˊ bù tóng 時期ㄕˊ ㄑㄧ shí qī 曾面ㄘㄥˊ ㄇㄧㄢˋ céng miàn 臨來ㄌㄧㄣˊ ㄌㄞˊ lín lái 自兩大ㄗˋ ㄌㄧㄤˇ ㄉㄚˋ zì liǎng dà 主要ㄓㄨˇ ㄧㄠˋ zhǔ yào 政黨ㄓㄥˋ ㄉㄤˇ zhèng dǎng ㄉㄜ˙ de 批評ㄆㄧ ㄆㄧㄥˊ pī píng ㄓㄜˋ zhè 表明ㄅㄧㄠˇ ㄇㄧㄥˊ biǎo míng ㄊㄚ ㄒㄧㄤ xiāng ㄉㄨㄟˋ duì ㄉㄨˊ 立地ㄌㄧˋ ㄉㄧˋ lì dì 運作ㄩㄣˋ ㄗㄨㄛˋ yùn zuò
While generally reliable, the ABC has faced criticism from both major parties at different times, which suggests it operates with relative independence.
ㄉㄨㄟˋ duì ㄩˊ 這一ㄓㄜˋ ㄧ zhè yī 特定ㄊㄜˋ ㄉㄧㄥˋ tè dìng 關於ㄍㄨㄢ ㄩˊ guān yú 政策ㄓㄥˋ ㄘㄜˋ zhèng cè 宣布ㄒㄩㄢ ㄅㄨˋ xuān bù ㄉㄜ˙ de 指控ㄓˇ ㄎㄨㄥˋ zhǐ kòng ABCABC ABC ㄉㄨㄟˋ duì 實際ㄕˊ ㄐㄧˋ shí jì 新聞ㄒㄧㄣ ㄨㄣˊ xīn wén 發布會ㄈㄚ ㄅㄨˋ ㄏㄨㄟˋ fā bù huì ㄉㄜ˙ de 報導ㄅㄠˋ ㄉㄠˇ bào dǎo 提供ㄊㄧˊ ㄍㄨㄥ tí gōng ㄌㄜ˙ le 直接ㄓˊ ㄐㄧㄝ zhí jiē ㄉㄜ˙ de 第一手ㄉㄧˋ ㄧ ㄕㄡˇ dì yī shǒu 報導ㄅㄠˋ ㄉㄠˇ bào dǎo
For this particular claim about a policy announcement, the ABC's report from the actual press conference provides direct, firsthand coverage.
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Labor 比較

** * ** * LaborLabor Labor 是否ㄕˋ ㄈㄡˇ shì fǒu ㄗㄨㄛˋ zuò 過類ㄍㄨㄛˋ ㄌㄟˋ guò lèi 似的ㄕˋ ㄉㄜ˙ shì de 事情ㄕˋ ㄑㄧㄥˊ shì qíng
**Did Labor do something similar?** Labor introduced Australia's first national paid parental leave scheme in 2011 under the Gillard government, which began operations in 2011 [4].
** * ** *
However, Labor's scheme was significantly less generous: - **Labor scheme:** 18 weeks at the national minimum wage (approximately $740 per week in 2015) - **Abbott promised scheme:** 26 weeks at full replacement wage (capped at $150,000 salary) Labor did not break a promise on paid parental leave in the same way, as they delivered their more modest scheme.
LaborLabor Labor ㄩˊ 20112011 2011 ㄋㄧㄢˊ nián ㄗㄞˋ zài GillardGillard Gillard 政府ㄓㄥˋ ㄈㄨˇ zhèng fǔ 領導下ㄌㄧㄥˇ ㄉㄠˇ ㄒㄧㄚˋ lǐng dǎo xià 引入ㄧㄣˇ ㄖㄨˋ yǐn rù ㄌㄜ˙ le 澳洲ㄠˋ ㄓㄡ ào zhōu 首個ㄕㄡˇ ㄍㄜˋ shǒu gè 國家帶ㄍㄨㄛˊ ㄐㄧㄚ ㄉㄞˋ guó jiā dài 薪育兒ㄒㄧㄣ ㄩˋ ㄦˊ xīn yù ér 計劃ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ jì huà 該計劃ㄍㄞ ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ gāi jì huà ㄩˊ 20112011 2011 ㄋㄧㄢˊ nián 開始ㄎㄞ ㄕˇ kāi shǐ 運作ㄩㄣˋ ㄗㄨㄛˋ yùn zuò [[ [ 44 4 ]] ]
However, Labor has broken significant election promises in other areas, most notably: - The Gillard government's carbon pricing backflip ("There will be no carbon tax under the government I lead") [5] - The Keating government's L-A-W tax cuts promise that were not delivered [6] The key difference is that Abbott's paid parental leave was a signature, heavily-promoted policy that was explicitly abandoned, whereas Labor's scheme was delivered (albeit in a more limited form than Abbott had promised).
然而ㄖㄢˊ ㄦˊ rán ér LaborLabor Labor ㄉㄜ˙ de 計劃ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ jì huà 明顯ㄇㄧㄥˊ ㄒㄧㄢˇ míng xiǎn ㄐㄧㄠˋ jiào ㄨㄟˋ wèi 保守ㄅㄠˇ ㄕㄡˇ bǎo shǒu
-- - ** * ** * LaborLabor Labor 計劃ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ jì huà ** * ** * 1818 18 ㄓㄡ zhōu 按國家ㄢˋ ㄍㄨㄛˊ ㄐㄧㄚ àn guó jiā 最低ㄗㄨㄟˋ ㄉㄧ zuì dī 工資ㄍㄨㄥ ㄗ gōng zī 計算ㄐㄧˋ ㄙㄨㄢˋ jì suàn 20152015 2015 ㄋㄧㄢˊ nián ㄩㄝ yuē 每週ㄇㄟˇ ㄓㄡ měi zhōu 740740 740 澳元ㄠˋ ㄩㄢˊ ào yuán
-- - ** * ** * AbbottAbbott Abbott 承諾ㄔㄥˊ ㄋㄨㄛˋ chéng nuò ㄉㄜ˙ de 計劃ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ jì huà ** * ** * 2626 26 ㄓㄡ zhōu ㄢˋ àn 全額ㄑㄩㄢˊ ㄜˊ quán é 替代ㄊㄧˋ ㄉㄞˋ tì dài 工資ㄍㄨㄥ ㄗ gōng zī 計算ㄐㄧˋ ㄙㄨㄢˋ jì suàn 年薪ㄋㄧㄢˊ ㄒㄧㄣ nián xīn 上限ㄕㄤˋ ㄒㄧㄢˋ shàng xiàn 150150 150 ,, , 000000 000 澳元ㄠˋ ㄩㄢˊ ào yuán
LaborLabor Labor 沒有ㄇㄟˊ ㄧㄡˇ méi yǒu ㄧˇ 同樣ㄊㄨㄥˊ ㄧㄤˋ tóng yàng ㄉㄜ˙ de 方式ㄈㄤ ㄕˋ fāng shì 違反帶ㄨㄟˊ ㄈㄢˇ ㄉㄞˋ wéi fǎn dài 薪育兒ㄒㄧㄣ ㄩˋ ㄦˊ xīn yù ér 承諾ㄔㄥˊ ㄋㄨㄛˋ chéng nuò 因為ㄧㄣ ㄨㄟˋ yīn wèi 他們ㄊㄚ ㄇㄣ˙ tā men 交付ㄐㄧㄠ ㄈㄨˋ jiāo fù ㄌㄜ˙ le ㄐㄧㄠˋ jiào ㄨㄟˋ wèi 適中ㄕˋ ㄓㄨㄥ shì zhōng ㄉㄜ˙ de 計劃ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ jì huà
然而ㄖㄢˊ ㄦˊ rán ér LaborLabor Labor ㄗㄞˋ zài 其他ㄑㄧˊ ㄊㄚ qí tā 領域ㄌㄧㄥˇ ㄩˋ lǐng yù 違反ㄨㄟˊ ㄈㄢˇ wéi fǎn ㄌㄜ˙ le 重大ㄓㄨㄥˋ ㄉㄚˋ zhòng dà 競選承諾ㄐㄧㄥˋ ㄒㄩㄢˇ ㄔㄥˊ ㄋㄨㄛˋ jìng xuǎn chéng nuò 最顯ㄗㄨㄟˋ ㄒㄧㄢˇ zuì xiǎn ㄓㄨˋ zhù ㄉㄜ˙ de ㄕˋ shì
-- - GillardGillard Gillard 政府ㄓㄥˋ ㄈㄨˇ zhèng fǔ ㄉㄜ˙ de 碳定ㄊㄢˋ ㄉㄧㄥˋ tàn dìng 價逆轉ㄐㄧㄚˋ ㄋㄧˋ ㄓㄨㄢˇ jià nì zhuǎn ㄗㄞˋ zài ㄨㄛˇ 領導ㄌㄧㄥˇ ㄉㄠˇ lǐng dǎo ㄉㄜ˙ de 政府ㄓㄥˋ ㄈㄨˇ zhèng fǔ 下不會ㄒㄧㄚˋ ㄅㄨˋ ㄏㄨㄟˋ xià bù huì ㄧㄡˇ yǒu 碳稅ㄊㄢˋ ㄕㄨㄟˋ tàn shuì [[ [ 55 5 ]] ]
-- - KeatingKeating Keating 政府ㄓㄥˋ ㄈㄨˇ zhèng fǔ ㄉㄜ˙ de LL L -- - AA A -- - WW W 減稅ㄐㄧㄢˇ ㄕㄨㄟˋ jiǎn shuì 承諾ㄔㄥˊ ㄋㄨㄛˋ chéng nuò 未能ㄨㄟˋ ㄋㄥˊ wèi néng 兌現ㄉㄨㄟˋ ㄒㄧㄢˋ duì xiàn [[ [ 66 6 ]] ]
關鍵ㄍㄨㄢ ㄐㄧㄢˋ guān jiàn 區別ㄑㄩ ㄅㄧㄝˊ qū bié ㄗㄞˋ zài ㄩˊ AbbottAbbott Abbott ㄉㄜ˙ de ㄉㄞˋ dài 薪育兒ㄒㄧㄣ ㄩˋ ㄦˊ xīn yù ér 計劃ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ jì huà ㄕˋ shì 一項ㄧ ㄒㄧㄤˋ yī xiàng 標誌ㄅㄧㄠ ㄓˋ biāo zhì ㄒㄧㄥˋ xìng 大力ㄉㄚˋ ㄌㄧˋ dà lì 宣傳ㄒㄩㄢ ㄔㄨㄢˊ xuān chuán ㄉㄜ˙ de 政策ㄓㄥˋ ㄘㄜˋ zhèng cè ㄅㄟˋ bèi 明確ㄇㄧㄥˊ ㄑㄩㄝˋ míng què 放棄ㄈㄤˋ ㄑㄧˋ fàng qì ㄦˊ ér LaborLabor Labor ㄉㄜ˙ de 計劃則ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ ㄗㄜˊ jì huà zé ㄧˇ 交付ㄐㄧㄠ ㄈㄨˋ jiāo fù 雖然ㄙㄨㄟ ㄖㄢˊ suī rán 形式ㄒㄧㄥˊ ㄕˋ xíng shì ㄅㄧˇ AbbottAbbott Abbott 承諾ㄔㄥˊ ㄋㄨㄛˋ chéng nuò ㄉㄜ˙ de ㄐㄧㄠˋ jiào ㄨㄟˋ wèi 有限ㄧㄡˇ ㄒㄧㄢˋ yǒu xiàn
🌐

平衡觀點

雖然ㄙㄨㄟ ㄖㄢˊ suī rán ㄍㄞ gāi 指控ㄓˇ ㄎㄨㄥˋ zhǐ kòng ㄗㄞˋ zài 事實ㄕˋ ㄕˊ shì shí ㄕㄤˋ shàng ㄕˋ shì 正確ㄓㄥˋ ㄑㄩㄝˋ zhèng què ㄉㄜ˙ de 承諾ㄔㄥˊ ㄋㄨㄛˋ chéng nuò 確實ㄑㄩㄝˋ ㄕˊ què shí ㄅㄟˋ bèi 打破ㄉㄚˇ ㄆㄛˋ dǎ pò ㄉㄢˋ dàn 完整ㄨㄢˊ ㄓㄥˇ wán zhěng ㄉㄜ˙ de 故事ㄍㄨˋ ㄕˋ gù shì 包括ㄅㄠ ㄎㄨㄛˋ bāo kuò 合理ㄏㄜˊ ㄌㄧˇ hé lǐ ㄉㄜ˙ de 背景ㄅㄟˋ ㄐㄧㄥˇ bèi jǐng 因素ㄧㄣ ㄙㄨˋ yīn sù
While the claim is factually correct that the promise was broken, the full story includes legitimate contextual factors: **Government justification:** The Abbott government cited changed fiscal circumstances and the need for budget repair as the primary reasons for shelving the scheme.
** * ** * 政府ㄓㄥˋ ㄈㄨˇ zhèng fǔ 理由ㄌㄧˇ ㄧㄡˊ lǐ yóu ** * ** * AbbottAbbott Abbott 政府ㄓㄥˋ ㄈㄨˇ zhèng fǔ 引用ㄧㄣˇ ㄩㄥˋ yǐn yòng 財政狀況ㄘㄞˊ ㄓㄥˋ ㄓㄨㄤˋ ㄎㄨㄤˋ cái zhèng zhuàng kuàng 變化ㄅㄧㄢˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ biàn huà ㄏㄜˊ 預算修ㄩˋ ㄙㄨㄢˋ ㄒㄧㄡ yù suàn xiū ㄈㄨˋ 需求ㄒㄩ ㄑㄧㄡˊ xū qiú 作為ㄗㄨㄛˋ ㄨㄟˋ zuò wèi 擱置ㄍㄜ ㄓˋ gē zhì ㄍㄞ gāi 計劃ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ jì huà ㄉㄜ˙ de 主要ㄓㄨˇ ㄧㄠˋ zhǔ yào 原因ㄩㄢˊ ㄧㄣ yuán yīn
The government faced a projected budget deficit that was larger than anticipated when the promise was made [2]. **Policy merits debated:** The proposed scheme had been criticized by economists and policy experts as expensive and poorly targeted, providing disproportionate benefits to higher-income earners.
政府ㄓㄥˋ ㄈㄨˇ zhèng fǔ 面臨ㄇㄧㄢˋ ㄌㄧㄣˊ miàn lín ㄉㄜ˙ de 預算ㄩˋ ㄙㄨㄢˋ yù suàn 赤字ㄔˋ ㄗˋ chì zì ㄅㄧˇ 做出ㄗㄨㄛˋ ㄔㄨ zuò chū 承諾時ㄔㄥˊ ㄋㄨㄛˋ ㄕˊ chéng nuò shí 預期ㄩˋ ㄑㄧ yù qī ㄉㄜ˙ de ㄍㄥˋ gèng ㄉㄚˋ [[ [ 22 2 ]] ]
The Australia Institute and other policy organizations had questioned whether the scheme represented value for money [7]. **Political cost:** Breaking this promise was politically damaging for Abbott, particularly among women voters, and contributed to perceptions of the government as untrustworthy.
** * ** * 政策ㄓㄥˋ ㄘㄜˋ zhèng cè 價值ㄐㄧㄚˋ ㄓˊ jià zhí 受質疑ㄕㄡˋ ㄓˋ ㄧˊ shòu zhì yí ** * ** * ㄍㄞ gāi 擬議ㄋㄧˇ ㄧˋ nǐ yì 計劃ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ jì huà 受到ㄕㄡˋ ㄉㄠˋ shòu dào 經濟ㄐㄧㄥ ㄐㄧˋ jīng jì 學家ㄒㄩㄝˊ ㄐㄧㄚ xué jiā ㄏㄜˊ 政策ㄓㄥˋ ㄘㄜˋ zhèng cè 專家ㄓㄨㄢ ㄐㄧㄚ zhuān jiā ㄉㄜ˙ de 批評ㄆㄧ ㄆㄧㄥˊ pī píng 認為ㄖㄣˋ ㄨㄟˋ rèn wèi 其昂ㄑㄧˊ ㄤˊ qí áng 貴且ㄍㄨㄟˋ ㄑㄧㄝˇ guì qiě 目標ㄇㄨˋ ㄅㄧㄠ mù biāo 定位ㄉㄧㄥˋ ㄨㄟˋ dìng wèi 不當ㄅㄨˋ ㄉㄤ bù dāng ㄒㄧㄤˋ xiàng 高收入者ㄍㄠ ㄕㄡ ㄖㄨˋ ㄓㄜˇ gāo shōu rù zhě 提供ㄊㄧˊ ㄍㄨㄥ tí gōng 不成比例ㄅㄨˋ ㄔㄥˊ ㄅㄧˇ ㄌㄧˋ bù chéng bǐ lì ㄉㄜ˙ de 利益ㄌㄧˋ ㄧˋ lì yì
The "captain's call" framing reinforced concerns about Abbott's leadership style. **Labor's alternative:** The government retained Labor's existing, more modest paid parental leave scheme, meaning parents were not left without any support - they simply did not receive the more generous Coalition alternative that had been promised. **Comparative context:** While broken promises are damaging to any government's credibility, this particular reversal can be viewed as a response to fiscal reality rather than mere political expediency.
AustraliaAustralia Australia InstituteInstitute Institute ㄏㄜˊ 其他ㄑㄧˊ ㄊㄚ qí tā 政策ㄓㄥˋ ㄘㄜˋ zhèng cè 組織ㄗㄨˇ ㄓ zǔ zhī 曾質ㄘㄥˊ ㄓˋ céng zhì 疑該ㄧˊ ㄍㄞ yí gāi 計劃ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ jì huà 是否ㄕˋ ㄈㄡˇ shì fǒu 物有所值ㄨˋ ㄧㄡˇ ㄙㄨㄛˇ ㄓˊ wù yǒu suǒ zhí [[ [ 77 7 ]] ]
The government faced genuine budget pressures that made the expensive scheme difficult to justify.
** * ** * 政治ㄓㄥˋ ㄓˋ zhèng zhì 代價ㄉㄞˋ ㄐㄧㄚˋ dài jià ** * ** * 違反ㄨㄟˊ ㄈㄢˇ wéi fǎn 這一承諾ㄓㄜˋ ㄧ ㄔㄥˊ ㄋㄨㄛˋ zhè yī chéng nuò ㄉㄨㄟˋ duì AbbottAbbott Abbott 造成ㄗㄠˋ ㄔㄥˊ zào chéng 政治ㄓㄥˋ ㄓˋ zhèng zhì 損害ㄙㄨㄣˇ ㄏㄞˋ sǔn hài 特別ㄊㄜˋ ㄅㄧㄝˊ tè bié ㄕˋ shì ㄗㄞˋ zài 女性ㄋㄩˇ ㄒㄧㄥˋ nǚ xìng 選民中ㄒㄩㄢˇ ㄇㄧㄣˊ ㄓㄨㄥ xuǎn mín zhōng 並助長ㄅㄧㄥˋ ㄓㄨˋ ㄓㄤˇ bìng zhù zhǎng ㄌㄜ˙ le ㄉㄨㄟˋ duì 政府ㄓㄥˋ ㄈㄨˇ zhèng fǔ 不可ㄅㄨˋ ㄎㄜˇ bù kě ㄒㄧㄣˋ xìn ㄉㄜ˙ de 觀感ㄍㄨㄢ ㄍㄢˇ guān gǎn
隊長ㄉㄨㄟˋ ㄓㄤˇ duì zhǎng 決定ㄐㄩㄝˊ ㄉㄧㄥˋ jué dìng ㄉㄜ˙ de 說法ㄕㄨㄛ ㄈㄚˇ shuō fǎ 強化ㄑㄧㄤˊ ㄏㄨㄚˋ qiáng huà ㄌㄜ˙ le ㄉㄨㄟˋ duì AbbottAbbott Abbott 領導ㄌㄧㄥˇ ㄉㄠˇ lǐng dǎo 風格ㄈㄥ ㄍㄜˊ fēng gé ㄉㄜ˙ de 擔憂ㄉㄢ ㄧㄡ dān yōu
** * ** * LaborLabor Labor ㄉㄜ˙ de 替代ㄊㄧˋ ㄉㄞˋ tì dài 方案ㄈㄤ ㄢˋ fāng àn ** * ** * 政府ㄓㄥˋ ㄈㄨˇ zhèng fǔ 保留ㄅㄠˇ ㄌㄧㄡˊ bǎo liú ㄌㄜ˙ le LaborLabor Labor 現有ㄒㄧㄢˋ ㄧㄡˇ xiàn yǒu ㄉㄜ˙ de ㄐㄧㄠˋ jiào ㄨㄟˋ wèi 適中ㄕˋ ㄓㄨㄥ shì zhōng ㄉㄜ˙ de ㄉㄞˋ dài 薪育兒ㄒㄧㄣ ㄩˋ ㄦˊ xīn yù ér 計劃ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ jì huà ㄓㄜˋ zhè 意味著ㄧˋ ㄨㄟˋ ㄓㄨˋ yì wèi zhù 父母ㄈㄨˋ ㄇㄨˇ fù mǔ 並非ㄅㄧㄥˋ ㄈㄟ bìng fēi 完全ㄨㄢˊ ㄑㄩㄢˊ wán quán 沒有ㄇㄟˊ ㄧㄡˇ méi yǒu 支持ㄓ ㄔˊ zhī chí 他們ㄊㄚ ㄇㄣ˙ tā men 只是ㄓˇ ㄕˋ zhǐ shì 沒有ㄇㄟˊ ㄧㄡˇ méi yǒu 得到ㄉㄜˊ ㄉㄠˋ dé dào 承諾ㄔㄥˊ ㄋㄨㄛˋ chéng nuò ㄉㄜ˙ de ㄍㄥˋ gèng 慷慨ㄎㄤ ㄎㄞˇ kāng kǎi ㄉㄜ˙ de CoalitionCoalition Coalition 替代ㄊㄧˋ ㄉㄞˋ tì dài 方案ㄈㄤ ㄢˋ fāng àn
** * ** * 比較ㄅㄧˇ ㄐㄧㄠˋ bǐ jiào 背景ㄅㄟˋ ㄐㄧㄥˇ bèi jǐng ** * ** * 雖然ㄙㄨㄟ ㄖㄢˊ suī rán 違反承諾ㄨㄟˊ ㄈㄢˇ ㄔㄥˊ ㄋㄨㄛˋ wéi fǎn chéng nuò ㄉㄨㄟˋ duì 任何ㄖㄣˋ ㄏㄜˊ rèn hé 政府ㄓㄥˋ ㄈㄨˇ zhèng fǔ ㄉㄜ˙ de 可信度ㄎㄜˇ ㄒㄧㄣˋ ㄉㄨˋ kě xìn dù ㄉㄡ dōu ㄧㄡˇ yǒu 損害ㄙㄨㄣˇ ㄏㄞˋ sǔn hài ㄉㄢˋ dàn 這一ㄓㄜˋ ㄧ zhè yī 特定ㄊㄜˋ ㄉㄧㄥˋ tè dìng 逆轉ㄋㄧˋ ㄓㄨㄢˇ nì zhuǎn 可以ㄎㄜˇ ㄧˇ kě yǐ 被視ㄅㄟˋ ㄕˋ bèi shì ㄨㄟˋ wèi ㄉㄨㄟˋ duì 財政ㄘㄞˊ ㄓㄥˋ cái zhèng 現實ㄒㄧㄢˋ ㄕˊ xiàn shí ㄉㄜ˙ de 回應ㄏㄨㄟˊ ㄧㄥ huí yīng ㄦˊ ér 非僅僅ㄈㄟ ㄐㄧㄣˇ ㄐㄧㄣˇ fēi jǐn jǐn ㄕˋ shì 政治ㄓㄥˋ ㄓˋ zhèng zhì 權宜ㄑㄩㄢˊ ㄧˊ quán yí 之計ㄓ ㄐㄧˋ zhī jì
政府ㄓㄥˋ ㄈㄨˇ zhèng fǔ 面臨ㄇㄧㄢˋ ㄌㄧㄣˊ miàn lín 真正ㄓㄣ ㄓㄥˋ zhēn zhèng ㄉㄜ˙ de 預算ㄩˋ ㄙㄨㄢˋ yù suàn 壓力ㄧㄚ ㄌㄧˋ yā lì 使得ㄕˇ ㄉㄜ˙ shǐ de 這一昂ㄓㄜˋ ㄧ ㄤˊ zhè yī áng 貴計劃ㄍㄨㄟˋ ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ guì jì huà 難以ㄋㄢˊ ㄧˇ nán yǐ 證明ㄓㄥˋ ㄇㄧㄥˊ zhèng míng ㄑㄧˊ 合理性ㄏㄜˊ ㄌㄧˇ ㄒㄧㄥˋ hé lǐ xìng

真實

7.0

/ 10

CoalitionCoalition Coalition 政府ㄓㄥˋ ㄈㄨˇ zhèng fǔ 確實ㄑㄩㄝˋ ㄕˊ què shí 違反ㄨㄟˊ ㄈㄢˇ wéi fǎn ㄌㄜ˙ le 引入ㄧㄣˇ ㄖㄨˋ yǐn rù ㄍㄥˋ gèng 慷慨ㄎㄤ ㄎㄞˇ kāng kǎi 帶薪育兒ㄉㄞˋ ㄒㄧㄣ ㄩˋ ㄦˊ dài xīn yù ér 計劃ㄐㄧˋ ㄏㄨㄚˋ jì huà ㄉㄜ˙ de 明確ㄇㄧㄥˊ ㄑㄩㄝˋ míng què 競選承諾ㄐㄧㄥˋ ㄒㄩㄢˇ ㄔㄥˊ ㄋㄨㄛˋ jìng xuǎn chéng nuò
The Coalition government did break an explicit election promise to introduce a more generous paid parental leave scheme.
TonyTony Tony AbbottAbbott Abbott ㄩˊ 20152015 2015 ㄋㄧㄢˊ nián 22 2 ㄩㄝˋ yuè 宣布ㄒㄩㄢ ㄅㄨˋ xuān bù ㄍㄞ gāi 政策ㄓㄥˋ ㄘㄜˋ zhèng cè 將被ㄐㄧㄤ ㄅㄟˋ jiāng bèi 放棄ㄈㄤˋ ㄑㄧˋ fàng qì 距離ㄐㄩˋ ㄌㄧˊ jù lí 上台ㄕㄤˋ ㄊㄞˊ shàng tái ㄩㄝ yuē 1818 18 ㄍㄜˋ ㄩㄝˋ yuè
Tony Abbott announced the policy would be abandoned in February 2015, approximately 18 months after taking office.
這是ㄓㄜˋ ㄕˋ zhè shì ㄉㄨㄟˋ duì 一項ㄧ ㄒㄧㄤˋ yī xiàng 重大ㄓㄨㄥˋ ㄉㄚˋ zhòng dà 競選承諾ㄐㄧㄥˋ ㄒㄩㄢˇ ㄔㄥˊ ㄋㄨㄛˋ jìng xuǎn chéng nuò ㄉㄜ˙ de 明確ㄇㄧㄥˊ ㄑㄩㄝˋ míng què 無可爭議ㄨˊ ㄎㄜˇ ㄓㄥ ㄧˋ wú kě zhēng yì ㄉㄜ˙ de 逆轉ㄋㄧˋ ㄓㄨㄢˇ nì zhuǎn
This was a clear, unambiguous reversal of a major campaign commitment.

📚 來源與引用 (7)

  1. 1
    Tony Abbott shelves paid parental leave scheme, describes policy as a 'captain's call'

    Tony Abbott shelves paid parental leave scheme, describes policy as a 'captain's call'

    Coalition MPs sound out frontbenchers Julie Bishop and Malcolm Turnbull as potential replacements for the PM, as Tony Abbott prepares to dump his paid parental leave scheme in a key speech.

    Abc Net
  2. 2
    archive.budget.gov.au

    2014-15 Mid-Year Economic and Fiscal Outlook

    Archive Budget Gov

    Original link no longer available
  3. 3
    smh.com.au

    Coalition concedes defeat on paid parental leave levy

    Smh Com

    Original link no longer available
  4. 4
    dss.gov.au

    Paid Parental Leave scheme - Department of Social Services

    Dss Gov

  5. 5
    Julia Gillard's carbon tax promise

    Julia Gillard's carbon tax promise

    embedded pic According to the Merriam-Webster Dictionary, a "gaffe" is a "social or diplomatic blunder, a noticeable mistake" synonymous with a "faux pas, impropriety, indiscretion or a solecism". Every presidential election campaign has its fair share of them, yet this year the number of gaffes - or at least the number being widely reported - seems to have been taken to a whole new level. And contrary to the strict definition, a gaffe no longer needs to be a mistake per se, rather just a poor choice of words which taken out of context can be used against the candidate. That being said, we have seen some doozies. The once-promising presidential candidacy of the Republican governor of Texas, Rick Perry, was largely brought down by a series of gaffes, starting with the name of his family hunting camp - Niggerhead - and culminating in the "oops" moment in a debate last November when he forgot the third government agency he planned to scrap. Another one-time frontrunner, congresswoman Michele Bachmann of Minnesota, also gained a gaffe-prone reputation last year, claiming the American Revolution began in New Hampshire, rather than the actual location of Lexington and Concord in Massachusetts. Ms Bachmann also claimed the HPV vaccine caused mental retardation, and that she was born in the same small Iowa town as movie star John Wayne - when in fact she was born in the same small Iowa town where serial killer John Wayne Gacy grew up. Newt Gingrich may not have technically gaffed but certainly provoked guffaws when he told voters in Florida he'd make the Moon America's 51st state. "We will have the first permanent base on the moon and it will be American," he said. Then there was Rick Santorum's "I don't care what the unemployment rate is going to be." And Herman Cain became a one-man gaffe-machine, including this answer to a question on whether he agreed with the Obama administration's policy on Libya: "I do not agree with the way he handled it for the following reason … Nope, that's a different one… I gotta go back and see. I got all this stuff twirling around in my head. Specifically, what are you asking me that I agree or not disagree with Obama?" Oops indeed. And then there is just about everything Donald Trump has said in the past two years. With such juicy morsels on offer, little wonder the media has an enormous appetite for gaffes this election season. But have we really had an unprecedented series of gaffe-prone candidates, or is this largely the creation of the media? To be fair, reporters being on the look-out for flubs and missteps makes some sense during a primary campaign when candidates are being vetted and tested during a period where substantial policy differences are often few and far between. But is it still a fair ploy during the general election phase? Despite the glee with which campaign hacks seized on Mitt Romney’s somewhat luke-warm endorsement of London's Olympic readiness or vaguely implied criticism of Palestinians as he flattered Israel - does anyone really doubt he'd be able to be appropriately presidential on the world stage? And what about vice president Joe Biden (who has been known to be an affable blowhard for his 40 years in elected office) - does getting a bit mixed up about whether he's in Virginia or North Carolina when he’s in a border town really disqualify him for high office? And is the mere reference to people being in chains really "playing the race card"? But for both Biden and Romney, the narrative of being gaffe-prone is very hard to shake. Once established, just about any speech might contain a line that can be held up as yet another gaffe The media, media consumers and the campaigns seem to be hooked on the political sugar-fix that is the gaffe. President Obama's now-infamous "you didn't build that" comment is only a gaffe if you completely ignore the context and pretend he was saying something he wasn't – yet it, too, is now "a gaffe" – one that’s become a slogan for the Romney campaign. My co-host on Planet America Chas Licciadello has an interesting theory, which I am more than happy to steal: Chas reckons as news organisations cut back on senior staff we are seeing more junior reporters with less experience and less context covering the campaign. And those reporters lack the knowledge to cover policy in any depth, but they can easily write a story based on a gaffe or flub. I certainly suspect there's something in that, but I think there is more to it as well. Back in 1972, a reporter from Rolling Stone magazine named Tim Crouse wrote a classic of the campaign book genre that has tended to be overshadowed by the likes of Teddy White, Hunter S. Thompson and Richard Ben Cramer. As the press bus followed the likes of George McGovern, Ed Muskie and Hubert Humphrey around Iowa and New Hampshire, Crouse turned his focus on the members of the press. The result was The Boys on the Bus – and yes, in 1972 they were almost all boys, or partially-inebriated, chain-smoking men at least. Crouse found that there were some powerful forces leading to a kind of groupthink - certain influential reporters who could effectively determine the news of the day. Journalists with secondary newspapers or TV or radio stations would look to see what the likes of Johnny Apple of the The New York Times or David Broder of The Washington Post were filing from the campaign trail and follow suit. The reason was simple. Journalists had to answer to editors back at head office, who would be displeased if their reporter had missed the angle being covered on page one of the Times or the Post. That, Crouse concluded, was just one of the ways a "pack" of journalists was formed. And like any pack, from time to time they like to single out a weak opponent and bring them down – often by writing about seemingly trivial things like gaffes. Another reason Crouse noted that reporters tend to focus on mistakes is that they represent something new and different. Campaign reporters following a candidate for weeks on end from one town to another will tend to hear the same stump speech time and time again. The same jokes, the same attacks, the same vague policies, five, six times a day. The reporters stop taking notes when they hear it all again and there's no "news" to report – but if then suddenly if candidate gets heckled, says something dumb or trips over on the stairs getting onto a stage – then that becomes news. In 1972 it was Ed Muskie shedding tears (or not) before the New Hampshire primary that became a huge story, so did Hillary Clinton’s tears before New Hampshire voted in early 2008. In 2012, as there was in 2008, there is a new element: Twitter. And this is where the Licciadello Thesis can become useful. Most campaign reporters, certainly just about all under 45, are tweeting all the time this year, reducing debates and speeches to 140 characters or less. Not a lot of room for context or nuance in a tweet. The 24-hour news cycle has become the 24/7 news cycle, never starting or ending but just rolling from a tweet onto a news website, then a panel of pundits on cable news, and from there into a print edition or onto radio talk show – forcing candidates and their campaigns to immediate comment, refute, rephrase or react. Unlike in Tim Crouse's time, today's reporters can simply keep track of each other's tweets to know what the "pack leaders" are thinking and writing about, and the best tweeters are fast becoming the new leaders of that pack. The New Yorker's Ryan Lizza (@ryanlizza), Buzzfeed's Ben Smith (@buzzfeedben), Politico's Maggie Haberman (@maggiepolitico), The Atlantic's Molly Ball (@mollyesque), and Erin McPike (@erinmcpike) from Real Clear Politics are the Apples and Broders of 2012. That's not to say campaign veterans like Joe Klein, George Will or David Brooks now lack influence, or that the younger journalists and tweeters are by definition attracted to trivia, but it seems to me there is something in the speed and economy of the new media as it feeds into the old, stressed, cash-strapped, time-poor established media that may be fuelling a growing hunger for the superficially clickable - the gaffe.

    Abc Net
  6. 6
    The history of 'the recession we had to have'

    The history of 'the recession we had to have'

    It's a new term that has jumped into our lexicon this week with tragic fatalities in Victoria: Thunderstorm asthma. What is this anyway? Find out from an expert.

    ABC Sydney
  7. 7
    australiainstitute.org.au

    Paid Parental Leave: An expensive way to help affluent women

    Australiainstitute Org

    Original link no longer available

評分量表方法論

1-3: 虛假

事實不正確或惡意捏造。

4-6: 部分

有部分真實性,但缺乏或扭曲了背景。

7-9: 大致屬實

微小的技術性問題或措辭問題。

10: 準確

完美驗證且在情境上公正。

方法論: 評分通過交叉比對官方政府記錄、獨立事實查核組織和原始來源文件來確定。