The core facts of this claim are substantially accurate, though the framing as "refused to release" requires important context. [1]
**The Research Contract**: The Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet (PM&C) commissioned market research from Resolve Strategic, a company run by Jim Reed, a former long-term researcher for the Liberal Party's polling firm Crosby Textor. [1] The contract was awarded by limited tender in April 2020 and cost taxpayers $541,750, not "over $500,000" (the exact figure was slightly higher). [1] [2] Officials described this as "tracking surveys and qualitative research to guide the development of targeted communications aligned with business and community information needs as the pandemic progressed." [1]
**Was There a Second Research Contract?**: A second substantial market research project was also commissioned by Treasury from the same researcher. [2] [3] This Treasury contract was upgraded to $554,675, meaning total spending across both contracts exceeded $1.09 million combined. [3]
**Public Disclosure Stance**: The initial denials about sharing the research with the Prime Minister's office were contradicted.
[ [ 1 1 ] ]
During Senate estimates, Gerard Martin (first assistant secretary of PMC's ministerial support division) twice stated "I don't believe so, senator" when asked if the research had been shared with the PM's office. [1] However, the next morning, officials from PM&C provided supplementary answers to Senate questions explicitly confirming the results had been "provided to the prime minister's office." [1]
**Request for Committee Access**: Senator Tim Ayres confirmed that the Senate's select committee monitoring the government's pandemic response had "requested a copy of the research" and that "been refused." [1] Chair of the select committee Katy Gallagher also requested a copy, which was "refused as well." [1]
**Stated Justification for Non-Release**: The government did not formally refuse under Freedom of Information (FOI) legislation; rather, it simply did not release the research proactively or to parliamentary committees requesting it. [1]
Government Communications During Crises Are Routinely Research-Informed**: Government agencies across both Labor and Coalition administrations regularly commission market research to inform pandemic or crisis communications. [4] [5] This is standard administrative practice to understand community concerns and ensure effective messaging during public health emergencies.
**2.
Liberal-Labor Party Connection**: While the researcher (Jim Reed) had long-term connections to the Liberal Party's Crosby Textor firm, this is not unique to Coalition government practice. [6] Labor governments similarly contract with polling and research firms aligned with their political interests. [7] The distinction between "government communications" research and "political research" is not always clear-cut during electoral cycles.
**3.
* * * * 2 2 . . Liberal Liberal - - Labor Labor 的 de 党派 dǎng pài 联系 lián xì * * * * : : 虽然 suī rán 研究 yán jiū 人员 rén yuán ( ( Jim Jim Reed Reed ) ) 与 yǔ Liberal Liberal Party Party 的 de Crosby Crosby Textor Textor 公司 gōng sī 有 yǒu 长期 cháng qī 联系 lián xì , , 但 dàn 这 zhè 并非 bìng fēi Coalition Coalition 政府 zhèng fǔ 独有 dú yǒu 的 de 做法 zuò fǎ 。 。
The Stated Purpose Was Legitimate**: Officials justified the research as being "to inform whole-of-government communications on social and community responses to the Covid-19 pandemic – particularly during the period of social restrictions." [1] Understanding community attitudes during lockdowns is a legitimate government function, even if research was conducted by someone with Liberal Party connections.
**4.
Limited Tender Procurement**: The use of "limited tender" (rather than open competitive tender) was controversial, but limited tenders during COVID-19 were common across government agencies as emergency response measures. [3] This was not unique to this research contract.
**5.
Timing of the Controversy**: The issue became public in August-October 2020, nearly 6 months after the contract was awarded and after the research had already been completed and shared with the PM's office. [1] [3] This suggests the research was not suppressed from normal government decision-making; it was only withheld from public/parliamentary release.
* * * * The The Guardian Guardian Australia Australia * * * * : : 该 gāi 来源 lái yuán 是 shì 一家 yī jiā 具有 jù yǒu 编辑 biān jí 标准 biāo zhǔn 的 de 主流 zhǔ liú 新闻 xīn wén 机构 jī gòu , , 尽管 jǐn guǎn 其 qí 公认 gōng rèn 的 de 编辑 biān jí 立场 lì chǎng 偏 piān 中间 zhōng jiān 偏左 piān zuǒ 。 。
**The Guardian Australia**: The source is a major mainstream news organization with editorial standards, though it has an acknowledged center-left editorial position. [8] The article was written by Katharine Murphy, the Guardian's chief political correspondent, who is respected for political reporting. [8] The reporting appears fact-based and includes direct quotes from official Senate estimates testimony, making it reliable for the basic facts presented.
**Supporting Sources**:
- **Crikey**: An independent Australian news and commentary website with progressive leanings. [9] The Crikey reporting corroborated the basic facts about the contract values and limited tender awards. [3]
- **Parliamentary Records**: Direct quotes from Senate estimates testimony and answers on notice provide primary source verification of government admissions about sharing research with the PM's office. [1]
- **Official Treasury Documents**: FOI releases from Treasury verified the contract details and payments. [10]
**Bias Assessment**: While The Guardian's reporting is factually accurate about what occurred, the framing as "thinly disguised political research" and the emphasis on refusing to release reflects a critical perspective.
This is legitimate journalism, but readers should note the article takes a skeptical stance toward the government's actions rather than presenting them neutrally.
**Did Labor do something similar?**
Search conducted: "Labor government market research polling communications spending political research contractors"
**Finding**: Labor governments have similarly contracted with firms aligned with their political interests for government communications research. [11] However, there are important distinctions:
**Similarities**:
- Labor governments under Rudd and Gillard similarly engaged polling firms for government communications research [11]
- Both major parties contract with firms owned by researchers from their aligned polling organizations
- Both parties use limited tender procurement during crisis periods
**Differences**:
- The specific controversy here involves: (1) the contractor having recent Crosby Textor connections (a specifically Liberal-aligned firm), (2) limited tender without competition, and (3) direct refusal to release to parliamentary committees
- While Labor has commissioned political research, the specific issue of *refusing to release* research that a parliamentary committee requested appears less documented in recent Labor administrations, though comprehensive comparative analysis would require detailed examination of Labor FOI practices during comparable periods
**Key Context**: Both major parties have engaged in contracting with aligned research firms, but the controversy specifically centered on *refusing to release* research to a parliamentary committee - a transparency and accountability question rather than a partisan contracting question.
**The Criticism**: The controversy reflects legitimate concerns about accountability and transparency. [1] Taxpayer-funded research on government communications being shared directly with the Prime Minister's office while being withheld from parliamentary oversight bodies creates an appearance (if not reality) of political rather than administrative use. [1] The combination of:
- Limited tender procurement without competition [3]
- A contractor with close Liberal Party connections [1] [2]
- Initial misleading statements to the Senate [1]
- Refusal to provide research to parliamentary committees requesting it [1]
...created a pattern suggesting the research may have been more about partisan messaging than neutral policy communication guidance.
**The Government's Perspective**: The government's position (implied through its actions and statements) was that:
- COVID-19 communications research was necessary to understand community concerns during the pandemic [1]
- The research informed legitimate whole-of-government communications policy [1]
- Limited tender was appropriate given the urgency of pandemic response [3]
- Contractor selection, while from someone with Liberal Party connections, reflected the researcher's expertise in tracking surveys and community attitudes [1]
- The research was not a "refused FOI request" (which would have required formal FOI justification); rather, it was simply not released proactively, which is standard practice [1]
**Expert Analysis**: The transparency advocates and Labor critics argued this represented a form of unaccountable political use of taxpayer funds. [1] [9] Budget accountability and government transparency specialists would likely note that parliamentary committees requesting research to scrutinize government pandemic response should have access to that research, as denying access undermines parliamentary oversight. [1]
**Comparative Context**: This is not unique to the Coalition.
[ [ 1 1 ] ] 由 yóu 纳税人 nà shuì rén 资助 zī zhù 的 de 政府 zhèng fǔ 传播 chuán bō 研究 yán jiū 直接 zhí jiē 与 yǔ 总理 zǒng lǐ 办公室 bàn gōng shì 共享 gòng xiǎng , , 同时 tóng shí 拒绝 jù jué 向 xiàng 议会 yì huì 监督机构 jiān dū jī gòu 提供 tí gōng , , 这 zhè 造成 zào chéng 了 le 政治 zhèng zhì 用途 yòng tú 而 ér 非 fēi 行政 xíng zhèng 用途 yòng tú 的 de 印象 yìn xiàng ( ( 即使 jí shǐ 并非 bìng fēi 事实 shì shí ) ) 。 。
Both major parties have commissioned political research and given preferential access to government offices over parliaments.
[ [ 1 1 ] ] 以下 yǐ xià 因素 yīn sù 的 de 组合 zǔ hé : :
The distinguishing factor here is the specific request from a parliamentary committee and the explicit refusal to provide it.
This is a normal contestation between Executive (which controls spending) and Parliament (which seeks transparency), but it tilts toward greater executive opacity than best-practice parliamentary accountability would suggest.
事实 shì shí 主张 zhǔ zhāng 是 shì 准确 zhǔn què 的 de : : 政府 zhèng fǔ 确实 què shí 委托 wěi tuō 了 le 耗资 hào zī 超过 chāo guò 50 50 万澳元 wàn ào yuán 的 de 纳税人 nà shuì rén 资助 zī zhù 的 de COVID COVID 传播 chuán bō 研究 yán jiū , , 并 bìng 确实 què shí 拒绝 jù jué 向 xiàng 议会 yì huì 公开 gōng kāi 。 。
The factual claim is accurate: the government did commission taxpayer-funded COVID communication research costing over $500,000 and did refuse to release it to parliament.
However, the framing as simple "refusal to release" obscures that: (1) this was not a formal FOI refusal, (2) government communications research is standard practice, and (3) the controversy centers on *access to parliament* rather than public disclosure.
The claim is true in its narrow facts but misleading in its implication that merely commissioning and not releasing research is inherently corrupt or uniquely problematic.
The legitimate concerns are about accountability and the contractor's political connections, not the simple fact of the research existing.
最终评分
6.5
/ 10
部分属实
事实 shì shí 主张 zhǔ zhāng 是 shì 准确 zhǔn què 的 de : : 政府 zhèng fǔ 确实 què shí 委托 wěi tuō 了 le 耗资 hào zī 超过 chāo guò 50 50 万澳元 wàn ào yuán 的 de 纳税人 nà shuì rén 资助 zī zhù 的 de COVID COVID 传播 chuán bō 研究 yán jiū , , 并 bìng 确实 què shí 拒绝 jù jué 向 xiàng 议会 yì huì 公开 gōng kāi 。 。
The factual claim is accurate: the government did commission taxpayer-funded COVID communication research costing over $500,000 and did refuse to release it to parliament.
However, the framing as simple "refusal to release" obscures that: (1) this was not a formal FOI refusal, (2) government communications research is standard practice, and (3) the controversy centers on *access to parliament* rather than public disclosure.
The claim is true in its narrow facts but misleading in its implication that merely commissioning and not releasing research is inherently corrupt or uniquely problematic.