Dinesh Perera, a former Sri Lankan military officer, was indeed employed as the acting operations manager at the Manus Island detention centre in February 2014 [1].
According to ABC News reporting, Perera confirmed to the ABC that he was the acting manager and that he had served as an officer in the Sri Lankan military [1].
His LinkedIn page stated he had "proven track records of operational command experience during employment of offshore detention services and security environment as a Company Commander in the Sri Lankan Army" [1].
G4S, the security company employing Perera, issued a statement clarifying that he was "an Operations Manager at the Manus Island Centre; he is not in charge of the Centre" and noted he was an Australian citizen who had worked for G4S for several years on other contracts before taking the Manus Island role [1].
According to the ABC report, there were approximately 30 ethnic Tamil Sri Lankan asylum seekers detained at the camp out of a total population of about 1,300 detainees [1].
Regarding the "war crimes and genocide" reference: the second source refers to a People's Tribunal in Bremen, Germany, which found the Sri Lankan government guilty of genocide against ethnic Tamil people [2].
The UN and international criminal courts have documented serious human rights violations and war crimes allegations during the Sri Lankan civil war (1983-2009), including the final offensive in 2009 that killed an estimated 40,000 civilians [2].
**Who actually made the hiring decision:** The claim implies this was a government appointment, but Dinesh Perera was employed by G4S, a private security contractor - not directly by the Australian government [1].
The Department of Immigration stated that "contracts with G4S, and other service providers at OPCs, contain clauses requiring that all personnel employed are, and remain, of good character" and referred questions about Perera's employment to his employer [1].
**Timeline and contracts:** The Manus Island detention centre was reopened in August 2012 under the Gillard Labor government as part of the "Pacific Solution Mark II" [3][4].
The contract to provide garrison and welfare services had just been formally awarded to Transfield Services (not G4S) for another 20 months at the time of the February 2014 report [1].
Transfield stated that Perera was not employed by them or their subcontractor Wilson Security, and that he was not on their list of applicants for new positions [1].
**Offshore detention was bipartisan policy:** The claim presents this as a Coalition-specific issue, but offshore detention on Manus Island was actually reinstated by the Labor Gillard government in August 2012, not the Coalition [3][4].
The Coalition continued the policy, but its foundation was laid by Labor.
**Perera's background:** While the claim emphasizes his Sri Lankan military connection, his LinkedIn also indicated he had experience in "correctional services facilities in Victoria and New South Wales" [1], suggesting relevant Australian corrections experience.
The reporting is factual, includes statements from multiple stakeholders (G4S, Immigration Department, human rights advocates), and provides context [1].
**The Canberra Times (Bruce Haigh article):** This is an opinion piece written by Bruce Haigh, described as "a political commentator, human rights activist and retired diplomat" [2].
The tribunal described was a civil society initiative by the International Human Rights Association and Irish Forum for Peace in Sri Lanka, not an official judicial body [2].
While raising legitimate human rights concerns, this source has clear advocacy positioning.
**Original claim framing:** The claim combines verified facts (Perera's employment) with emotive language ("war crimes and genocide") and omits important context about who made the hiring decision and the bipartisan nature of offshore detention policy.
**Did Labor do something similar?**
Yes - in fact, Labor *reopened* the Manus Island detention centre in August 2012, a year before the Coalition took office in September 2013 [3][4].
* * * *
Under Prime Minister Julia Gillard, the Labor government appointed an "Expert Panel on Asylum Seekers" which recommended re-establishing offshore processing on Nauru and Manus Island [5].
The Coalition maintained the policy but did not create it.
**Key comparison points:**
- Both major parties have implemented and maintained offshore detention on Manus Island
- Labor reopened the centres in August 2012; Coalition continued the policy from September 2013
- The G4S contract and staffing decisions appear to have been made under the operational arrangements established during the Labor period
- Neither party has avoided criticism regarding the treatment of Tamil asylum seekers specifically - the Canberra Times article criticizes both "Rudd and Abbott governments" for sending Tamil asylum seekers back to Sri Lanka without proper hearings [2]
Emily Howie from the Human Rights Law Centre stated it was "completely inappropriate for anyone with links to the Sri Lankan military to be in charge of the welfare and well-being of vulnerable asylum seekers, including Tamils" [1].
Ian Rintoul from the Refugee Action Coalition expressed concern that Perera would have access to Tamil asylum seekers' records and details that could be passed on to Sri Lankan authorities [1].
**The government's position:** The Immigration Minister's spokesperson stated that contracts require personnel to be of "good character" with Australian Federal Police clearances [1].
G4S emphasized that Perera was an Australian citizen with relevant experience and that it was their policy not to comment on employees' ethnicity or race [1].
**Important context:** The hiring decision was made by G4S, a private contractor, not by government ministerial appointment.
While the government is ultimately responsible for oversight of contracted services, the claim's framing suggests direct government appointment, which is misleading.
**The broader policy issue:** Offshore detention on Manus Island has been controversial regardless of which party was in power.
The policy was:
- Introduced by Howard (Coalition) as the "Pacific Solution" (2001-2008)
- Suspended under Rudd (Labor) in 2008
- Reinstated by Gillard (Labor) in August 2012
- Continued by Abbott/Coalition from September 2013
The presence of Tamil asylum seekers at Manus Island was a consequence of this bipartisan offshore detention policy, not a Coalition-specific decision.
**Key context:** This was not unique to the Coalition - Labor had already reopened Manus Island and established the contractual framework that led to this staffing outcome.
The core factual claim is accurate: a former Sri Lankan military officer, Dinesh Perera, was employed as acting operations manager at the Manus Island detention centre by contractor G4S [1].
Serious allegations of war crimes and human rights violations by the Sri Lankan military have been documented by multiple sources, including a civil society tribunal finding of genocide [2].
It presents this as a Coalition-specific issue when it was the continuation of a bipartisan policy with roots in Labor's 2012 "Pacific Solution Mark II"
4.
The "genocide" finding referenced comes from a civil society tribunal, not an official international court [2]
The claim cherry-picks facts to present a Coalition-specific criticism when the underlying policy and infrastructure were substantially Labor's creation.
該主張 gāi zhǔ zhāng 選擇性 xuǎn zé xìng 地 dì 挑 tiāo 選事實 xuǎn shì shí , , 以呈現 yǐ chéng xiàn 對 duì Coalition Coalition 的 de 特定 tè dìng 批評 pī píng , , 而 ér 忽視 hū shì 了 le 政策 zhèng cè 和 hé 基礎 jī chǔ 設施 shè shī 實際 shí jì 上 shàng 主要 zhǔ yào 是 shì Labor Labor 創建 chuàng jiàn 的 de 這 zhè 一事 yī shì 實 shí 。 。
The core factual claim is accurate: a former Sri Lankan military officer, Dinesh Perera, was employed as acting operations manager at the Manus Island detention centre by contractor G4S [1].
Serious allegations of war crimes and human rights violations by the Sri Lankan military have been documented by multiple sources, including a civil society tribunal finding of genocide [2].
It presents this as a Coalition-specific issue when it was the continuation of a bipartisan policy with roots in Labor's 2012 "Pacific Solution Mark II"
4.
The "genocide" finding referenced comes from a civil society tribunal, not an official international court [2]
The claim cherry-picks facts to present a Coalition-specific criticism when the underlying policy and infrastructure were substantially Labor's creation.
該主張 gāi zhǔ zhāng 選擇性 xuǎn zé xìng 地 dì 挑 tiāo 選事實 xuǎn shì shí , , 以呈現 yǐ chéng xiàn 對 duì Coalition Coalition 的 de 特定 tè dìng 批評 pī píng , , 而 ér 忽視 hū shì 了 le 政策 zhèng cè 和 hé 基礎 jī chǔ 設施 shè shī 實際 shí jì 上 shàng 主要 zhǔ yào 是 shì Labor Labor 創建 chuàng jiàn 的 de 這 zhè 一事 yī shì 實 shí 。 。