属实

评分: 7.0/10

Coalition
C0507

声明内容

“违背了引入新带薪育儿假计划的选举承诺。”
原始来源: Matthew Davis

原始来源

事实核查

** * ** * 属实shǔ shí shǔ shí ** * ** * -- - TonyTony Tony AbbottAbbott Abbott 领导lǐng dǎo lǐng dǎo de de CoalitionCoalition Coalition 政府zhèng fǔ zhèng fǔ 确实què shí què shí 违背wéi bèi wéi bèi le le 关于guān yú guān yú 标志性biāo zhì xìng biāo zhì xìng 带薪dài xīn dài xīn 育儿yù ér yù ér jiǎ jiǎ 计划jì huà jì huà de de 选举xuǎn jǔ xuǎn jǔ 承诺chéng nuò chéng nuò
**TRUE** - The Coalition government led by Tony Abbott did break an election promise regarding its signature paid parental leave scheme.
zài zài 20132013 2013 nián nián 联邦lián bāng lián bāng 选举xuǎn jǔ xuǎn jǔ 竞选jìng xuǎn jìng xuǎn 期间qī jiān qī jiān TonyTony Tony AbbottAbbott Abbott 宣布xuān bù xuān bù le le 一项yī xiàng yī xiàng 慷慨kāng kǎi kāng kǎi de de 带薪dài xīn dài xīn 育儿yù ér yù ér jiǎ jiǎ PPLPPL PPL 计划jì huà jì huà 作为zuò wéi zuò wéi 旗舰qí jiàn qí jiàn 政策zhèng cè zhèng cè
During the 2013 federal election campaign, Tony Abbott announced a generous paid parental leave (PPL) scheme as a flagship policy.
gāi gāi 计划jì huà jì huà 承诺chéng nuò chéng nuò 提供tí gōng tí gōng 2626 26 zhōu zhōu 带薪dài xīn dài xīn 假期jià qī jià qī àn àn 母亲mǔ qīn mǔ qīn de de 全额quán é quán é 替代tì dài tì dài 工资gōng zī gōng zī 支付zhī fù zhī fù 年薪nián xīn nián xīn 上限shàng xiàn shàng xiàn wèi wèi 150150 150 ,, , 000000 000 澳元ào yuán ào yuán 外加wài jiā wài jiā 退休金tuì xiū jīn tuì xiū jīn 供款gōng kuǎn gōng kuǎn [[ [ 11 1 ]] ]
The scheme promised 26 weeks of paid leave at the mother's full replacement wage (capped at an annual salary of $150,000), plus superannuation contributions [1].
zhè zhè bèi bèi 宣传xuān chuán xuān chuán wèi wèi duì duì 现有xiàn yǒu xiàn yǒu LaborLabor Labor 计划jì huà jì huà de de 大幅dà fú dà fú 改进gǎi jìn gǎi jìn bìng bìng zài zài 竞选jìng xuǎn jìng xuǎn 期间qī jiān qī jiān 大力推广dà lì tuī guǎng dà lì tuī guǎng
This was presented as a significant improvement over the existing Labor scheme and was heavily promoted during the campaign.
20152015 2015 nián nián 22 2 yuè yuè 22 2 zài zài 国家guó jiā guó jiā 记者jì zhě jì zhě 俱乐部jù lè bù jù lè bù 总理zǒng lǐ zǒng lǐ TonyTony Tony AbbottAbbott Abbott 正式zhèng shì zhèng shì 宣布xuān bù xuān bù 放弃fàng qì fàng qì gāi gāi 政策zhèng cè zhèng cè [[ [ 11 1 ]] ]
On 2 February 2015, at the National Press Club, Prime Minister Tony Abbott formally announced that the policy was being abandoned [1].
AbbottAbbott Abbott 称该chēng gāi chēng gāi 计划jì huà jì huà jiāng jiāng bèi bèi "" " 搁置gē zhì gē zhì "" " bìng bìng jiāng jiāng 描述miáo shù miáo shù wèi wèi 一个yí gè yí gè "" " 船长chuán zhǎng chuán zhǎng de de 决定jué dìng jué dìng "" " 尽管jǐn guǎn jǐn guǎn 面临miàn lín miàn lín 党内dǎng nèi dǎng nèi 反对fǎn duì fǎn duì réng réng 坚持jiān chí jiān chí 推行tuī xíng tuī xíng
Abbott stated the scheme would be "shelved" and described it as a "captain's call" that he had persisted with despite internal party opposition.
这一zhè yī zhè yī 决定jué dìng jué dìng shì shì zài zài 预算yù suàn yù suàn 压力yā lì yā lì 日益rì yì rì yì 增大zēng dà zēng dà 以及yǐ jí yǐ jí 政府zhèng fǔ zhèng fǔ 无法wú fǎ wú fǎ 获得huò dé huò dé 参议院cān yì yuàn cān yì yuàn 支持zhī chí zhī chí 对大duì dà duì dà 公司gōng sī gōng sī 征收zhēng shōu zhēng shōu 相关xiāng guān xiāng guān 税费shuì fèi shuì fèi de de 情况qíng kuàng qíng kuàng xià xià 做出zuò chū zuò chū de de
The decision came amid mounting budget pressures and the government's inability to gain Senate support for the associated levy on large companies.

缺失背景

尽管jǐn guǎn jǐn guǎn gāi gāi 说法shuō fǎ shuō fǎ zài zài 事实shì shí shì shí 层面céng miàn céng miàn 准确zhǔn què zhǔn què dàn dàn 缺乏quē fá quē fá 有助于yǒu zhù yú yǒu zhù yú 解释jiě shì jiě shì 为何wèi hé wèi hé 承诺chéng nuò chéng nuò bèi bèi 违背wéi bèi wéi bèi de de 重要zhòng yào zhòng yào 背景bèi jǐng bèi jǐng
The claim, while factually accurate, lacks important context that helps explain why the promise was broken: **Budget constraints and fiscal reality:** When the Coalition took office in September 2013, the government faced a deteriorating budget position.
** * ** * 预算yù suàn yù suàn 约束yuē shù yuē shù 财政cái zhèng cái zhèng 现实xiàn shí xiàn shí ** * ** * dāng dāng CoalitionCoalition Coalition 20132013 2013 nián nián 99 9 yuè yuè 执政zhí zhèng zhí zhèng shí shí 政府zhèng fǔ zhèng fǔ 面临miàn lín miàn lín 日益rì yì rì yì 恶化è huà è huà de de 预算yù suàn yù suàn 状况zhuàng kuàng zhuàng kuàng
The paid parental leave scheme, with an estimated cost of approximately $5.5 billion annually, became increasingly difficult to justify in an environment of fiscal consolidation [2]. **Internal party opposition:** The scheme faced significant opposition from within the Coalition itself, including from Treasurer Joe Hockey and other senior ministers who viewed it as fiscally irresponsible and poorly targeted.
带薪dài xīn dài xīn 育儿yù ér yù ér jiǎ jiǎ 计划jì huà jì huà 每年měi nián měi nián 估计gū jì gū jì 耗资hào zī hào zī yuē yuē 5555 55 亿澳元yì ào yuán yì ào yuán zài zài 财政cái zhèng cái zhèng 整顿zhěng dùn zhěng dùn de de 环境huán jìng huán jìng xià xià 越来越yuè lái yuè yuè lái yuè 难以nán yǐ nán yǐ 自圆其说zì yuán qí shuō zì yuán qí shuō [[ [ 22 2 ]] ]
Abbott acknowledged this internal resistance when announcing its abandonment [1]. **Senate arithmetic:** The government lacked the Senate numbers to pass the necessary legislation to fund the scheme via the proposed 1.5% levy on companies with taxable incomes over $5 million [3]. **Signature policy reversal:** This was not a minor policy but a signature promise that Abbott had championed as a differentiator from Labor, making its abandonment politically significant.
** * ** * 党内dǎng nèi dǎng nèi 反对fǎn duì fǎn duì ** * ** * gāi gāi 计划jì huà jì huà 面临miàn lín miàn lín 来自lái zì lái zì CoalitionCoalition Coalition 内部nèi bù nèi bù de de 重大zhòng dà zhòng dà 反对fǎn duì fǎn duì 包括bāo kuò bāo kuò 财政部长cái zhèng bù zhǎng cái zhèng bù zhǎng JoeJoe Joe HockeyHockey Hockey 其他qí tā qí tā 高级gāo jí gāo jí 部长bù zhǎng bù zhǎng 他们tā men tā men 认为rèn wéi rèn wéi gāi gāi 计划jì huà jì huà 财政cái zhèng cái zhèng shàng shàng 不负责任bù fù zé rèn bù fù zé rèn qiě qiě 针对性zhēn duì xìng zhēn duì xìng qiáng qiáng
AbbottAbbott Abbott zài zài 宣布xuān bù xuān bù 放弃fàng qì fàng qì shí shí 承认chéng rèn chéng rèn le le 这种zhè zhǒng zhè zhǒng 内部nèi bù nèi bù 阻力zǔ lì zǔ lì [[ [ 11 1 ]] ]
** * ** * 参议院cān yì yuàn cān yì yuàn 票数piào shù piào shù ** * ** * 政府zhèng fǔ zhèng fǔ 缺乏quē fá quē fá 足够zú gòu zú gòu de de 参议院cān yì yuàn cān yì yuàn 票数piào shù piào shù lái lái 通过tōng guò tōng guò 必要bì yào bì yào 立法lì fǎ lì fǎ 通过tōng guò tōng guò 对应duì yìng duì yìng 税收shuì shōu shuì shōu 超过chāo guò chāo guò 500500 500 万澳元wàn ào yuán wàn ào yuán de de 公司gōng sī gōng sī 征收zhēng shōu zhēng shōu 1.5%1.5% 1.5% 税费shuì fèi shuì fèi lái lái wèi wèi gāi gāi 计划jì huà jì huà 提供tí gōng tí gōng 资金zī jīn zī jīn [[ [ 33 3 ]] ]
** * ** * 标志性biāo zhì xìng biāo zhì xìng 政策zhèng cè zhèng cè 逆转nì zhuǎn nì zhuǎn ** * ** * zhè zhè 不是bú shì bú shì 一项yī xiàng yī xiàng 次要cì yào cì yào 政策zhèng cè zhèng cè 而是ér shì ér shì AbbottAbbott Abbott 大力dà lì dà lì 推崇tuī chóng tuī chóng de de 标志性biāo zhì xìng biāo zhì xìng 承诺chéng nuò chéng nuò 作为zuò wéi zuò wéi LaborLabor Labor de de 区别qū bié qū bié 所在suǒ zài suǒ zài 因此yīn cǐ yīn cǐ 放弃fàng qì fàng qì gāi gāi 计划jì huà jì huà 在政治上zài zhèng zhì shàng zài zhèng zhì shàng 具有jù yǒu jù yǒu 重要zhòng yào zhòng yào 意义yì yì yì yì

来源可信度评估

提供tí gōng tí gōng de de 原始yuán shǐ yuán shǐ 来源lái yuán lái yuán shì shì ** * ** * ABCABC ABC NewsNews News ** * ** * abcabc abc .. . netnet net .. . auau au [[ [ 11 1 ]] ] 这是zhè shì zhè shì 澳大利亚ào dà lì yà ào dà lì yà de de 国家guó jiā guó jiā 公共广播gōng gòng guǎng bō gōng gòng guǎng bō 公司gōng sī gōng sī 通常tōng cháng tōng cháng bèi bèi 认为rèn wéi rèn wéi shì shì 具有jù yǒu jù yǒu 既定jì dìng jì dìng 编辑biān jí biān jí 标准biāo zhǔn biāo zhǔn de de 可信kě xìn kě xìn 主流zhǔ liú zhǔ liú 新闻来源xīn wén lái yuán xīn wén lái yuán
The original source provided is **ABC News** (abc.net.au) [1], which is Australia's national public broadcaster and is generally considered a credible, mainstream news source with established editorial standards.
ABCABC ABC NewsNews News 没有méi yǒu méi yǒu 明确míng què míng què de de 党派dǎng pài dǎng pài 倾向qīng xiàng qīng xiàng 通过tōng guò tōng guò 三年期sān nián qī sān nián qī 拨款bō kuǎn bō kuǎn 独立dú lì dú lì 政府zhèng fǔ zhèng fǔ 获得huò dé huò dé 资助zī zhù zī zhù
ABC News has no stated partisan alignment and is funded independently of government through triennial appropriations.
虽然suī rán suī rán 总体zǒng tǐ zǒng tǐ shàng shàng 可靠kě kào kě kào ABCABC ABC zài zài 不同bù tóng bù tóng 时期shí qī shí qī céng céng 面临miàn lín miàn lín 来自lái zì lái zì 两大liǎng dà liǎng dà 主要zhǔ yào zhǔ yào 政党zhèng dǎng zhèng dǎng de de 批评pī píng pī píng zhè zhè 表明biǎo míng biǎo míng 相对xiāng duì xiāng duì 独立dú lì dú lì 运作yùn zuò yùn zuò
While generally reliable, the ABC has faced criticism from both major parties at different times, which suggests it operates with relative independence.
对于duì yú duì yú 这项zhè xiàng zhè xiàng 关于guān yú guān yú 政策zhèng cè zhèng cè 发布fā bù fā bù de de 具体jù tǐ jù tǐ 说法shuō fǎ shuō fǎ ABCABC ABC duì duì 实际shí jì shí jì 新闻xīn wén xīn wén 发布会fā bù huì fā bù huì de de 一手yī shǒu yī shǒu 报道bào dào bào dào 提供tí gōng tí gōng le le 直接zhí jiē zhí jiē 第一手dì yī shǒu dì yī shǒu de de 报道bào dào bào dào
For this particular claim about a policy announcement, the ABC's report from the actual press conference provides direct, firsthand coverage.
⚖️

工党对比

** * ** * LaborLabor Labor 是否shì fǒu shì fǒu 做过zuò guò zuò guò 类似lèi sì lèi sì de de 事情shì qíng shì qíng
**Did Labor do something similar?** Labor introduced Australia's first national paid parental leave scheme in 2011 under the Gillard government, which began operations in 2011 [4].
** * ** *
However, Labor's scheme was significantly less generous: - **Labor scheme:** 18 weeks at the national minimum wage (approximately $740 per week in 2015) - **Abbott promised scheme:** 26 weeks at full replacement wage (capped at $150,000 salary) Labor did not break a promise on paid parental leave in the same way, as they delivered their more modest scheme.
LaborLabor Labor 20112011 2011 nián nián zài zài GillardGillard Gillard 政府zhèng fǔ zhèng fǔ xià xià 推出tuī chū tuī chū le le 澳大利亚ào dà lì yà ào dà lì yà 首个shǒu gè shǒu gè 全国quán guó quán guó 带薪dài xīn dài xīn 育儿yù ér yù ér jiǎ jiǎ 计划jì huà jì huà 并于bìng yú bìng yú 20112011 2011 nián nián 开始kāi shǐ kāi shǐ 实施shí shī shí shī [[ [ 44 4 ]] ]
However, Labor has broken significant election promises in other areas, most notably: - The Gillard government's carbon pricing backflip ("There will be no carbon tax under the government I lead") [5] - The Keating government's L-A-W tax cuts promise that were not delivered [6] The key difference is that Abbott's paid parental leave was a signature, heavily-promoted policy that was explicitly abandoned, whereas Labor's scheme was delivered (albeit in a more limited form than Abbott had promised).
然而rán ér rán ér LaborLabor Labor de de 计划jì huà jì huà 慷慨kāng kǎi kāng kǎi 程度chéng dù chéng dù 明显míng xiǎn míng xiǎn jiào jiào
-- - ** * ** * LaborLabor Labor 计划jì huà jì huà ** * ** * 1818 18 zhōu zhōu àn àn 全国quán guó quán guó 最低工资zuì dī gōng zī zuì dī gōng zī 支付zhī fù zhī fù 20152015 2015 nián nián yuē yuē wèi wèi 每周měi zhōu měi zhōu 740740 740 澳元ào yuán ào yuán
-- - ** * ** * AbbottAbbott Abbott 承诺chéng nuò chéng nuò de de 计划jì huà jì huà ** * ** * 2626 26 zhōu zhōu àn àn 全额quán é quán é 替代tì dài tì dài 工资gōng zī gōng zī 支付zhī fù zhī fù 年薪nián xīn nián xīn 上限shàng xiàn shàng xiàn 150150 150 ,, , 000000 000 澳元ào yuán ào yuán
LaborLabor Labor 没有méi yǒu méi yǒu 同样tóng yàng tóng yàng de de 方式fāng shì fāng shì 违背wéi bèi wéi bèi 带薪dài xīn dài xīn 育儿yù ér yù ér jiǎ jiǎ 承诺chéng nuò chéng nuò 因为yīn wèi yīn wèi 他们tā men tā men 兑现duì xiàn duì xiàn le le 较为jiào wéi jiào wéi 温和wēn hé wēn hé de de 计划jì huà jì huà
然而rán ér rán ér LaborLabor Labor zài zài 其他qí tā qí tā 领域lǐng yù lǐng yù 违背wéi bèi wéi bèi le le 重大zhòng dà zhòng dà 选举xuǎn jǔ xuǎn jǔ 承诺chéng nuò chéng nuò zuì zuì 著名zhù míng zhù míng de de shì shì
-- - GillardGillard Gillard 政府zhèng fǔ zhèng fǔ de de tàn tàn 定价dìng jià dìng jià 政策zhèng cè zhèng cè 大逆转dà nì zhuǎn dà nì zhuǎn "" " zài zài 领导lǐng dǎo lǐng dǎo de de 政府zhèng fǔ zhèng fǔ xià xià 不会bú huì bú huì yǒu yǒu 碳税tàn shuì tàn shuì "" " [[ [ 55 5 ]] ]
-- - KeatingKeating Keating 政府zhèng fǔ zhèng fǔ de de LL L -- - AA A -- - WW W 减税jiǎn shuì jiǎn shuì 承诺chéng nuò chéng nuò 最终zuì zhōng zuì zhōng wèi wèi 兑现duì xiàn duì xiàn [[ [ 66 6 ]] ]
关键guān jiàn guān jiàn 区别qū bié qū bié 在于zài yú zài yú AbbottAbbott Abbott de de 带薪dài xīn dài xīn 育儿yù ér yù ér 假是jiǎ shì jiǎ shì 一项yī xiàng yī xiàng 标志性biāo zhì xìng biāo zhì xìng 大力推广dà lì tuī guǎng dà lì tuī guǎng de de 政策zhèng cè zhèng cè bèi bèi 明确míng què míng què 放弃fàng qì fàng qì ér ér LaborLabor Labor de de 计划jì huà jì huà bèi bèi 兑现duì xiàn duì xiàn 尽管jǐn guǎn jǐn guǎn AbbottAbbott Abbott 承诺chéng nuò chéng nuò de de 形式xíng shì xíng shì 更为gèng wéi gèng wéi 有限yǒu xiàn yǒu xiàn
🌐

平衡视角

尽管jǐn guǎn jǐn guǎn gāi gāi 说法shuō fǎ shuō fǎ zài zài 承诺chéng nuò chéng nuò bèi bèi 违背wéi bèi wéi bèi 这一zhè yī zhè yī 事实上shì shí shàng shì shí shàng shì shì 正确zhèng què zhèng què de de dàn dàn 完整wán zhěng wán zhěng 故事gù shì gù shì 包含bāo hán bāo hán 合理hé lǐ hé lǐ de de 背景bèi jǐng bèi jǐng 因素yīn sù yīn sù
While the claim is factually correct that the promise was broken, the full story includes legitimate contextual factors: **Government justification:** The Abbott government cited changed fiscal circumstances and the need for budget repair as the primary reasons for shelving the scheme.
** * ** * 政府zhèng fǔ zhèng fǔ 理由lǐ yóu lǐ yóu ** * ** * AbbottAbbott Abbott 政府zhèng fǔ zhèng fǔ 援引yuán yǐn yuán yǐn 财政状况cái zhèng zhuàng kuàng cái zhèng zhuàng kuàng 变化biàn huà biàn huà 预算yù suàn yù suàn 修复xiū fù xiū fù 需求xū qiú xū qiú 作为zuò wéi zuò wéi 搁置gē zhì gē zhì gāi gāi 计划jì huà jì huà de de 主要zhǔ yào zhǔ yào 原因yuán yīn yuán yīn
The government faced a projected budget deficit that was larger than anticipated when the promise was made [2]. **Policy merits debated:** The proposed scheme had been criticized by economists and policy experts as expensive and poorly targeted, providing disproportionate benefits to higher-income earners.
政府zhèng fǔ zhèng fǔ 面临miàn lín miàn lín de de 预算赤字yù suàn chì zì yù suàn chì zì 预测yù cè yù cè 做出zuò chū zuò chū 承诺chéng nuò chéng nuò shí shí 预期yù qī yù qī de de yào yào [[ [ 22 2 ]] ]
The Australia Institute and other policy organizations had questioned whether the scheme represented value for money [7]. **Political cost:** Breaking this promise was politically damaging for Abbott, particularly among women voters, and contributed to perceptions of the government as untrustworthy.
** * ** * 政策zhèng cè zhèng cè 优点yōu diǎn yōu diǎn 争议zhēng yì zhēng yì ** * ** * gāi gāi 拟议nǐ yì nǐ yì 计划jì huà jì huà 遭到zāo dào zāo dào 经济学家jīng jì xué jiā jīng jì xué jiā 政策zhèng cè zhèng cè 专家zhuān jiā zhuān jiā de de 批评pī píng pī píng 认为rèn wéi rèn wéi 昂贵áng guì áng guì qiě qiě 针对性zhēn duì xìng zhēn duì xìng qiáng qiáng xiàng xiàng 高收入者gāo shōu rù zhě gāo shōu rù zhě 提供tí gōng tí gōng le le 不成比例bù chéng bǐ lì bù chéng bǐ lì de de 福利fú lì fú lì
The "captain's call" framing reinforced concerns about Abbott's leadership style. **Labor's alternative:** The government retained Labor's existing, more modest paid parental leave scheme, meaning parents were not left without any support - they simply did not receive the more generous Coalition alternative that had been promised. **Comparative context:** While broken promises are damaging to any government's credibility, this particular reversal can be viewed as a response to fiscal reality rather than mere political expediency.
澳大利亚ào dà lì yà ào dà lì yà 研究所yán jiū suǒ yán jiū suǒ 其他qí tā qí tā 政策zhèng cè zhèng cè 组织zǔ zhī zǔ zhī 质疑zhì yí zhì yí gāi gāi 计划jì huà jì huà 是否shì fǒu shì fǒu 物有所值wù yǒu suǒ zhí wù yǒu suǒ zhí [[ [ 77 7 ]] ]
The government faced genuine budget pressures that made the expensive scheme difficult to justify.
** * ** * 政治zhèng zhì zhèng zhì 代价dài jià dài jià ** * ** * 违背wéi bèi wéi bèi 这一zhè yī zhè yī 承诺chéng nuò chéng nuò duì duì AbbottAbbott Abbott 造成zào chéng zào chéng le le 政治zhèng zhì zhèng zhì 损害sǔn hài sǔn hài 特别tè bié tè bié shì shì zài zài 女性nǚ xìng nǚ xìng 选民xuǎn mín xuǎn mín zhōng zhōng bìng bìng 助长zhù zhǎng zhù zhǎng le le 政府zhèng fǔ zhèng fǔ 不可bù kě bù kě xìn xìn de de 看法kàn fǎ kàn fǎ
"" " 船长chuán zhǎng chuán zhǎng de de 决定jué dìng jué dìng "" " 这一zhè yī zhè yī 说法shuō fǎ shuō fǎ 强化qiáng huà qiáng huà le le duì duì AbbottAbbott Abbott 领导lǐng dǎo lǐng dǎo 风格fēng gé fēng gé de de 担忧dān yōu dān yōu
** * ** * LaborLabor Labor de de 替代tì dài tì dài 方案fāng àn fāng àn ** * ** * 政府zhèng fǔ zhèng fǔ 保留bǎo liú bǎo liú le le LaborLabor Labor 现有xiàn yǒu xiàn yǒu de de 较为jiào wéi jiào wéi 温和wēn hé wēn hé de de 带薪dài xīn dài xīn 育儿yù ér yù ér jiǎ jiǎ 计划jì huà jì huà zhè zhè 意味着yì wèi zhe yì wèi zhe 父母fù mǔ fù mǔ men men 并非bìng fēi bìng fēi 完全wán quán wán quán 没有méi yǒu méi yǒu 支持zhī chí zhī chí 他们tā men tā men 只是zhǐ shì zhǐ shì 没有méi yǒu méi yǒu 获得huò dé huò dé 承诺chéng nuò chéng nuò de de gèng gèng 慷慨kāng kǎi kāng kǎi de de CoalitionCoalition Coalition 替代tì dài tì dài 方案fāng àn fāng àn
** * ** * 比较bǐ jiào bǐ jiào 背景bèi jǐng bèi jǐng ** * ** * 虽然suī rán suī rán 违背wéi bèi wéi bèi 承诺chéng nuò chéng nuò huì huì 损害sǔn hài sǔn hài 任何rèn hé rèn hé 政府zhèng fǔ zhèng fǔ de de 公信力gōng xìn lì gōng xìn lì dàn dàn zhè zhè 特定tè dìng tè dìng 逆转nì zhuǎn nì zhuǎn 可以kě yǐ kě yǐ bèi bèi 视为shì wèi shì wèi duì duì 财政cái zhèng cái zhèng 现实xiàn shí xiàn shí de de 回应huí yìng huí yìng ér ér fēi fēi 仅仅jǐn jǐn jǐn jǐn shì shì 政治zhèng zhì zhèng zhì 权宜之计quán yí zhī jì quán yí zhī jì
政府zhèng fǔ zhèng fǔ 面临miàn lín miàn lín 真正zhēn zhèng zhēn zhèng de de 预算yù suàn yù suàn 压力yā lì yā lì 使得shǐ de shǐ de 这项zhè xiàng zhè xiàng 昂贵áng guì áng guì de de 计划jì huà jì huà 难以nán yǐ nán yǐ 自圆其说zì yuán qí shuō zì yuán qí shuō

属实

7.0

/ 10

CoalitionCoalition Coalition 政府zhèng fǔ zhèng fǔ 确实què shí què shí 违背wéi bèi wéi bèi le le 引入yǐn rù yǐn rù gèng gèng 慷慨kāng kǎi kāng kǎi 带薪dài xīn dài xīn 育儿yù ér yù ér jiǎ jiǎ 计划jì huà jì huà de de 明确míng què míng què 选举xuǎn jǔ xuǎn jǔ 承诺chéng nuò chéng nuò
The Coalition government did break an explicit election promise to introduce a more generous paid parental leave scheme.
TonyTony Tony AbbottAbbott Abbott 20152015 2015 nián nián 22 2 yuè yuè 宣布xuān bù xuān bù 放弃fàng qì fàng qì gāi gāi 政策zhèng cè zhèng cè 大约dà yuē dà yuē zài zài 就职jiù zhí jiù zhí 1818 18 yuè yuè hòu hòu
Tony Abbott announced the policy would be abandoned in February 2015, approximately 18 months after taking office.
zhè zhè shì shì duì duì 重大zhòng dà zhòng dà 竞选jìng xuǎn jìng xuǎn 承诺chéng nuò chéng nuò de de 明确míng què míng què 毫不含糊háo bù hán hú háo bù hán hú de de 逆转nì zhuǎn nì zhuǎn
This was a clear, unambiguous reversal of a major campaign commitment.

📚 来源与引用 (7)

  1. 1
    Tony Abbott shelves paid parental leave scheme, describes policy as a 'captain's call'

    Tony Abbott shelves paid parental leave scheme, describes policy as a 'captain's call'

    Coalition MPs sound out frontbenchers Julie Bishop and Malcolm Turnbull as potential replacements for the PM, as Tony Abbott prepares to dump his paid parental leave scheme in a key speech.

    Abc Net
  2. 2
    archive.budget.gov.au

    2014-15 Mid-Year Economic and Fiscal Outlook

    Archive Budget Gov

    Original link no longer available
  3. 3
    smh.com.au

    Coalition concedes defeat on paid parental leave levy

    Smh Com

    Original link no longer available
  4. 4
    dss.gov.au

    Paid Parental Leave scheme - Department of Social Services

    Dss Gov

  5. 5
    Julia Gillard's carbon tax promise

    Julia Gillard's carbon tax promise

    embedded pic According to the Merriam-Webster Dictionary, a "gaffe" is a "social or diplomatic blunder, a noticeable mistake" synonymous with a "faux pas, impropriety, indiscretion or a solecism". Every presidential election campaign has its fair share of them, yet this year the number of gaffes - or at least the number being widely reported - seems to have been taken to a whole new level. And contrary to the strict definition, a gaffe no longer needs to be a mistake per se, rather just a poor choice of words which taken out of context can be used against the candidate. That being said, we have seen some doozies. The once-promising presidential candidacy of the Republican governor of Texas, Rick Perry, was largely brought down by a series of gaffes, starting with the name of his family hunting camp - Niggerhead - and culminating in the "oops" moment in a debate last November when he forgot the third government agency he planned to scrap. Another one-time frontrunner, congresswoman Michele Bachmann of Minnesota, also gained a gaffe-prone reputation last year, claiming the American Revolution began in New Hampshire, rather than the actual location of Lexington and Concord in Massachusetts. Ms Bachmann also claimed the HPV vaccine caused mental retardation, and that she was born in the same small Iowa town as movie star John Wayne - when in fact she was born in the same small Iowa town where serial killer John Wayne Gacy grew up. Newt Gingrich may not have technically gaffed but certainly provoked guffaws when he told voters in Florida he'd make the Moon America's 51st state. "We will have the first permanent base on the moon and it will be American," he said. Then there was Rick Santorum's "I don't care what the unemployment rate is going to be." And Herman Cain became a one-man gaffe-machine, including this answer to a question on whether he agreed with the Obama administration's policy on Libya: "I do not agree with the way he handled it for the following reason … Nope, that's a different one… I gotta go back and see. I got all this stuff twirling around in my head. Specifically, what are you asking me that I agree or not disagree with Obama?" Oops indeed. And then there is just about everything Donald Trump has said in the past two years. With such juicy morsels on offer, little wonder the media has an enormous appetite for gaffes this election season. But have we really had an unprecedented series of gaffe-prone candidates, or is this largely the creation of the media? To be fair, reporters being on the look-out for flubs and missteps makes some sense during a primary campaign when candidates are being vetted and tested during a period where substantial policy differences are often few and far between. But is it still a fair ploy during the general election phase? Despite the glee with which campaign hacks seized on Mitt Romney’s somewhat luke-warm endorsement of London's Olympic readiness or vaguely implied criticism of Palestinians as he flattered Israel - does anyone really doubt he'd be able to be appropriately presidential on the world stage? And what about vice president Joe Biden (who has been known to be an affable blowhard for his 40 years in elected office) - does getting a bit mixed up about whether he's in Virginia or North Carolina when he’s in a border town really disqualify him for high office? And is the mere reference to people being in chains really "playing the race card"? But for both Biden and Romney, the narrative of being gaffe-prone is very hard to shake. Once established, just about any speech might contain a line that can be held up as yet another gaffe The media, media consumers and the campaigns seem to be hooked on the political sugar-fix that is the gaffe. President Obama's now-infamous "you didn't build that" comment is only a gaffe if you completely ignore the context and pretend he was saying something he wasn't – yet it, too, is now "a gaffe" – one that’s become a slogan for the Romney campaign. My co-host on Planet America Chas Licciadello has an interesting theory, which I am more than happy to steal: Chas reckons as news organisations cut back on senior staff we are seeing more junior reporters with less experience and less context covering the campaign. And those reporters lack the knowledge to cover policy in any depth, but they can easily write a story based on a gaffe or flub. I certainly suspect there's something in that, but I think there is more to it as well. Back in 1972, a reporter from Rolling Stone magazine named Tim Crouse wrote a classic of the campaign book genre that has tended to be overshadowed by the likes of Teddy White, Hunter S. Thompson and Richard Ben Cramer. As the press bus followed the likes of George McGovern, Ed Muskie and Hubert Humphrey around Iowa and New Hampshire, Crouse turned his focus on the members of the press. The result was The Boys on the Bus – and yes, in 1972 they were almost all boys, or partially-inebriated, chain-smoking men at least. Crouse found that there were some powerful forces leading to a kind of groupthink - certain influential reporters who could effectively determine the news of the day. Journalists with secondary newspapers or TV or radio stations would look to see what the likes of Johnny Apple of the The New York Times or David Broder of The Washington Post were filing from the campaign trail and follow suit. The reason was simple. Journalists had to answer to editors back at head office, who would be displeased if their reporter had missed the angle being covered on page one of the Times or the Post. That, Crouse concluded, was just one of the ways a "pack" of journalists was formed. And like any pack, from time to time they like to single out a weak opponent and bring them down – often by writing about seemingly trivial things like gaffes. Another reason Crouse noted that reporters tend to focus on mistakes is that they represent something new and different. Campaign reporters following a candidate for weeks on end from one town to another will tend to hear the same stump speech time and time again. The same jokes, the same attacks, the same vague policies, five, six times a day. The reporters stop taking notes when they hear it all again and there's no "news" to report – but if then suddenly if candidate gets heckled, says something dumb or trips over on the stairs getting onto a stage – then that becomes news. In 1972 it was Ed Muskie shedding tears (or not) before the New Hampshire primary that became a huge story, so did Hillary Clinton’s tears before New Hampshire voted in early 2008. In 2012, as there was in 2008, there is a new element: Twitter. And this is where the Licciadello Thesis can become useful. Most campaign reporters, certainly just about all under 45, are tweeting all the time this year, reducing debates and speeches to 140 characters or less. Not a lot of room for context or nuance in a tweet. The 24-hour news cycle has become the 24/7 news cycle, never starting or ending but just rolling from a tweet onto a news website, then a panel of pundits on cable news, and from there into a print edition or onto radio talk show – forcing candidates and their campaigns to immediate comment, refute, rephrase or react. Unlike in Tim Crouse's time, today's reporters can simply keep track of each other's tweets to know what the "pack leaders" are thinking and writing about, and the best tweeters are fast becoming the new leaders of that pack. The New Yorker's Ryan Lizza (@ryanlizza), Buzzfeed's Ben Smith (@buzzfeedben), Politico's Maggie Haberman (@maggiepolitico), The Atlantic's Molly Ball (@mollyesque), and Erin McPike (@erinmcpike) from Real Clear Politics are the Apples and Broders of 2012. That's not to say campaign veterans like Joe Klein, George Will or David Brooks now lack influence, or that the younger journalists and tweeters are by definition attracted to trivia, but it seems to me there is something in the speed and economy of the new media as it feeds into the old, stressed, cash-strapped, time-poor established media that may be fuelling a growing hunger for the superficially clickable - the gaffe.

    Abc Net
  6. 6
    The history of 'the recession we had to have'

    The history of 'the recession we had to have'

    It's a new term that has jumped into our lexicon this week with tragic fatalities in Victoria: Thunderstorm asthma. What is this anyway? Find out from an expert.

    ABC Sydney
  7. 7
    australiainstitute.org.au

    Paid Parental Leave: An expensive way to help affluent women

    Australiainstitute Org

    Original link no longer available

评分方法

1-3: 不实

事实错误或恶意捏造。

4-6: 部分属实

有一定真实性,但缺乏背景或有所偏颇。

7-9: 基本属实

仅有微小的技术性或措辞问题。

10: 准确

完全经过验证且客观公正。

方法论: 评分通过交叉参照政府官方记录、独立事实核查机构和原始文件确定。