صحيح

التقييم: 7.0/10

Coalition
C0507

الادعاء

“أخلفت بوعد انتخابي بإدخال نظام جديد للإجازة الأبوية المدفوعة.”
المصدر الأصلي: Matthew Davis

المصادر الأصلية المقدمة

التحقق من الحقائق

**صحيح** **ṣḥyḥ** - - حكومة ḥkwmẗ الCoalition ạlCoalition بقيادة bqyạdẗ Tony Tony Abbott Abbott أخلفت ạ̉kẖlft بالفعل bạlfʿl بوعد bwʿd انتخابي ạntkẖạby يتعلق ytʿlq بخطتها bkẖṭthạ المميزة ạlmmyzẗ للإجازة llạ̹jạzẗ الأبوية ạlạ̉bwyẗ المدفوعة. ạlmdfwʿẗ.
**TRUE** - The Coalition government led by Tony Abbott did break an election promise regarding its signature paid parental leave scheme.
خلال kẖlạl حملة ḥmlẗ الانتخابات ạlạntkẖạbạt الفيدرالية ạlfydrạlyẗ عام ʿạm 2013، 2013, أعلن ạ̉ʿln Tony Tony Abbott Abbott عن ʿn نظام nẓạm سخي skẖy للإجازة llạ̹jạzẗ الأبوية ạlạ̉bwyẗ المدفوعة ạlmdfwʿẗ (PPL) (PPL) كسياسة ksyạsẗ راية. rạyẗ.
During the 2013 federal election campaign, Tony Abbott announced a generous paid parental leave (PPL) scheme as a flagship policy.
وعدت wʿdt الخطة ạlkẖṭẗ بـ26 b26 أسبوعاً ạ̉sbwʿạaⁿ من mn الإجازة ạlạ̹jạzẗ المدفوعة ạlmdfwʿẗ بكامل bkạml راتب rạtb الأم ạlạ̉m البديل ạlbdyl (بحد (bḥd أقصى ạ̉qṣy̱ راتب rạtb سنوي snwy يبلغ yblgẖ 150,000 150,000 دولار)، dwlạr), بالإضافة bạlạ̹ḍạfẗ إلى ạ̹ly̱ مساهمات msạhmạt التقاعد ạltqạʿd [1]. [1].
The scheme promised 26 weeks of paid leave at the mother's full replacement wage (capped at an annual salary of $150,000), plus superannuation contributions [1].
تَمَّ tm تَقْديمُ tqdym هَذَا hdẖạ عَلَى ʿly̱ أَنّهُ ạ̉nh تَحَسُّنَ tḥsn كَبِيرَ kbyr عَلَى ʿly̱ نِظَامِ nẓạm الLabor ạlLabor الْحَالِيَّ ạlḥạly وَتَمَّ wtm التَّرْوِيجِ ạltrwyj لَه lh بِشَكْلِ bsẖkl كَبِيرِ kbyr خِلَال kẖlạl الْحَمْلَةِ ạlḥmlẗ.
This was presented as a significant improvement over the existing Labor scheme and was heavily promoted during the campaign.
في fy 2 2 فبراير fbrạyr 2015، 2015, في fy النادي ạlnạdy الوطني ạlwṭny للصحافة، llṣḥạfẗ, أعلن ạ̉ʿln رئيس rỷys الوزراء ạlwzrạʾ Tony Tony Abbott Abbott رسمياً rsmyạaⁿ أن ạ̉n السياسة ạlsyạsẗ قد qd تم tm التخلي ạltkẖly عنها ʿnhạ [1]. [1].
On 2 February 2015, at the National Press Club, Prime Minister Tony Abbott formally announced that the policy was being abandoned [1].
وصف wṣf Abbott Abbott الخطة ạlkẖṭẗ بأنها bạ̉nhạ "قرار "qrạr القبطان" ạlqbṭạn" وقال wqạl إنه ạ̹nh أصر ạ̉ṣr عليها ʿlyhạ رغم rgẖm المعارضة ạlmʿạrḍẗ الداخلية ạldạkẖlyẗ للحزب. llḥzb.
Abbott stated the scheme would be "shelved" and described it as a "captain's call" that he had persisted with despite internal party opposition.
جَاءَ jạʾ الْقَرَارُ ạlqrạr وَسَطَ wsṭ ضُغُوطِ ḍgẖwṭ مِيزَانِيَّةِ myzạnyẗ مُتَزَايِدَةِ mtzạydẗ وَعَجْزِ wʿjz الْحُكُومَةِ ạlḥkwmẗ عَن ʿn الْحُصُولِ ạlḥṣwl عَلَى ʿly̱ دُعُمِ dʿm مَجْلِسِ mjls الشُّيُوخِ ạlsẖywkẖ لِلرُّسُومَ llrswm الْمُرْتَبِطَةَ ạlmrtbṭẗ عَلَى ʿly̱ الشَّرِكَاتِ ạlsẖrkạt الْكَبِيرَةِ ạlkbyrẗ.
The decision came amid mounting budget pressures and the government's inability to gain Senate support for the associated levy on large companies.

السياق المفقود

الادعاء، ạlạdʿạʾ, على ʿly̱ الرغم ạlrgẖm من mn دقته dqth من mn الناحية ạlnạḥyẗ الواقعية، ạlwạqʿyẗ, يفتقر yftqr إلى ạ̹ly̱ سياق syạq مهم mhm يساعد ysạʿd في fy تفسير tfsyr سبب sbb إخلاء ạ̹kẖlạʾ الوعد: ạlwʿd: **قيود **qywd الميزانية ạlmyzạnyẗ والواقع wạlwạqʿ المالي:** ạlmạly:** عندما ʿndmạ تولت twlt الCoalition ạlCoalition الحكم ạlḥkm في fy سبتمبر sbtmbr 2013، 2013, واجهت wạjht الحكومة ạlḥkwmẗ تدهوراً tdhwrạaⁿ في fy الوضع ạlwḍʿ الميزاني. ạlmyzạny.
The claim, while factually accurate, lacks important context that helps explain why the promise was broken: **Budget constraints and fiscal reality:** When the Coalition took office in September 2013, the government faced a deteriorating budget position.
أصبح ạ̉ṣbḥ نظام nẓạm الإجازة ạlạ̹jạzẗ الأبوية ạlạ̉bwyẗ المدفوعة، ạlmdfwʿẗ, بتكلفة btklfẗ تقديرية tqdyryẗ تبلغ tblgẖ حوالي ḥwạly 5.5 5.5 مليار mlyạr دولار dwlạr سنوياً، snwyạaⁿ, صعباً ṣʿbạaⁿ بشكل bsẖkl متزايد mtzạyd لتبريره ltbryrh في fy بيئة byỷẗ التقشف ạltqsẖf المالي ạlmạly [2]. [2]. **المعارضة **ạlmʿạrḍẗ الداخلية ạldạkẖlyẗ للحزب:** llḥzb:** واجهت wạjht الخطة ạlkẖṭẗ معارضة mʿạrḍẗ كبيرة kbyrẗ من mn داخل dạkẖl الCoalition ạlCoalition نفسها، nfshạ, بما bmạ في fy ذلك dẖlk من mn وزير wzyr الخزانة ạlkẖzạnẗ Joe Joe Hockey Hockey ووزراء wwzrạʾ آخرين ậkẖryn كبار kbạr اعتبروها ạʿtbrwhạ غير gẖyr مسؤولة msw̉wlẗ مالياً mạlyạaⁿ ومستهدفة wmsthdfẗ بشكل bsẖkl سيئ. syỷ.
The paid parental leave scheme, with an estimated cost of approximately $5.5 billion annually, became increasingly difficult to justify in an environment of fiscal consolidation [2]. **Internal party opposition:** The scheme faced significant opposition from within the Coalition itself, including from Treasurer Joe Hockey and other senior ministers who viewed it as fiscally irresponsible and poorly targeted.
اعترف ạʿtrf Abbott Abbott بهذا bhdẖạ المقاومة ạlmqạwmẗ الداخلية ạldạkẖlyẗ عند ʿnd الإعلان ạlạ̹ʿlạn عن ʿn التخلي ạltkẖly عنها ʿnhạ [1]. [1]. **حسابات **ḥsạbạt مجلس mjls الشيوخ:** ạlsẖywkẖ:** كانت kạnt الحكومة ạlḥkwmẗ تفتقر tftqr إلى ạ̹ly̱ أصوات ạ̉ṣwạt مجلس mjls الشيوخ ạlsẖywkẖ اللازمة ạllạzmẗ لتمرير ltmryr التشريعات ạltsẖryʿạt المطلوبة ạlmṭlwbẗ لتمويل ltmwyl الخطة ạlkẖṭẗ عبر ʿbr رسوم rswm 1.5% 1.5% المقترحة ạlmqtrḥẗ على ʿly̱ الشركات ạlsẖrkạt ذات dẖạt الدخل ạldkẖl الخاضع ạlkẖạḍʿ للضريبة llḍrybẗ فوق fwq 5 5 ملايين mlạyyn دولار dwlạr [3]. [3]. **انعكاس **ạnʿkạs سياسة syạsẗ رئيسي:** rỷysy:** لم lm تكن tkn هذه hdẖh سياسة syạsẗ ثانوية tẖạnwyẗ بل bl وعداً wʿdạaⁿ مميزاً mmyzạaⁿ دعمه dʿmh Abbott Abbott كمميز kmmyz عن ʿn الLabor، ạlLabor, مما mmạ يجعل yjʿl التخلي ạltkẖly عنه ʿnh ذو dẖw أهمية ạ̉hmyẗ سياسية syạsyẗ كبيرة. kbyrẗ.
Abbott acknowledged this internal resistance when announcing its abandonment [1]. **Senate arithmetic:** The government lacked the Senate numbers to pass the necessary legislation to fund the scheme via the proposed 1.5% levy on companies with taxable incomes over $5 million [3]. **Signature policy reversal:** This was not a minor policy but a signature promise that Abbott had championed as a differentiator from Labor, making its abandonment politically significant.

تقييم مصداقية المصدر

المصدر ạlmṣdr الأصلي ạlạ̉ṣly المقدم ạlmqdm هو hw **ABC **ABC News** News** (abc.net.au) (abc.net.au) [1]، [1], وهو whw المذيع ạlmdẖyʿ العام ạlʿạm الوطني ạlwṭny لأستراليا lạ̉strạlyạ ويعتبر wyʿtbr عموماً ʿmwmạaⁿ مصدراً mṣdrạaⁿ موثوقاً mwtẖwqạaⁿ وإعلامياً wạ̹ʿlạmyạaⁿ رئيسياً rỷysyạaⁿ مع mʿ معايير mʿạyyr تحريرية tḥryryẗ معمول mʿmwl بها. bhạ.
The original source provided is **ABC News** (abc.net.au) [1], which is Australia's national public broadcaster and is generally considered a credible, mainstream news source with established editorial standards.
لَيْس lys لَدَى ldy̱ ABC ABC News News تُوَجِّهُ twjh حِزْبُي ḥzby مُعْلَنٌ muʿln وهُو whw مُمَوِّلٍ mmwl بِشَكْلِ bsẖkl مُسْتَقِلِّ mstql عَن ʿn الْحُكُومَةِ ạlḥkwmẗ مِن mn خِلَال kẖlạl التَّخْصِيصَاتِ ạltkẖṣyṣạt الثُّلَاثِيَّةِ ạltẖlạtẖyẗ السَّنَوِيَّةِ ạlsnwyẗ.
ABC News has no stated partisan alignment and is funded independently of government through triennial appropriations.
على ʿly̱ الرغم ạlrgẖm من mn الموثوقية ạlmwtẖwqyẗ العامة، ạlʿạmẗ, واجهت wạjht انتقادات ạntqạdạt من mn الحزبين ạlḥzbyn الرئيسيين ạlrỷysyyn في fy أوقات ạ̉wqạt مختلفة، mkẖtlfẗ, مما mmạ يوحي ywḥy بأنها bạ̉nhạ تعمل tʿml باستقلالية bạstqlạlyẗ نسبية. nsbyẗ.
While generally reliable, the ABC has faced criticism from both major parties at different times, which suggests it operates with relative independence.
بالنسبة bạlnsbẗ لهذا lhdẖạ الادعاء ạlạdʿạʾ المحدد ạlmḥdd حول ḥwl إعلان ạ̹ʿlạn السياسة، ạlsyạsẗ, يوفر ywfr تقرير tqryr ABC ABC من mn المؤتمر ạlmw̉tmr الصحفي ạlṣḥfy الفعلي ạlfʿly تغطية tgẖṭyẗ مباشرة mbạsẖrẗ من mn المصدر ạlmṣdr الأول. ạlạ̉wl.
For this particular claim about a policy announcement, the ABC's report from the actual press conference provides direct, firsthand coverage.
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مقارنة حزب العمال

**هل **hl فعلت fʿlt الLabor ạlLabor شيئاً sẖyỷạaⁿ مشابهاً؟** msẖạbhạaⁿ?** أدخلت ạ̉dkẖlt الLabor ạlLabor أول ạ̉wl نظام nẓạm وطني wṭny للإجازة llạ̹jạzẗ الأبوية ạlạ̉bwyẗ المدفوعة ạlmdfwʿẗ في fy أستراليا ạ̉strạlyạ عام ʿạm 2011 2011 تحت tḥt حكومة ḥkwmẗ Gillard، Gillard, وبدأ wbdạ̉ العمل ạlʿml به bh عام ʿạm 2011 2011 [4]. [4].
**Did Labor do something similar?** Labor introduced Australia's first national paid parental leave scheme in 2011 under the Gillard government, which began operations in 2011 [4].
ومع wmʿ ذلك، dẖlk, كان kạn نظام nẓạm الLabor ạlLabor أقل ạ̉ql سخاءً skẖạʾaⁿ بكثيراً: bktẖyrạaⁿ: - - **نظام **nẓạm الLabor:** ạlLabor:** 18 18 أسبوعاً ạ̉sbwʿạaⁿ بحد bḥd أدنى ạ̉dny̱ الأجور ạlạ̉jwr الوطني ạlwṭny (حوالي (ḥwạly 740 740 دولاراً dwlạrạaⁿ أسبوعياً ạ̉sbwʿyạaⁿ في fy 2015) 2015) - - **النظام **ạlnẓạm الموعود ạlmwʿwd من mn Abbott:** Abbott:** 26 26 أسبوعاً ạ̉sbwʿạaⁿ بكامل bkạml راتب rạtb البديل ạlbdyl (بحد (bḥd أقصى ạ̉qṣy̱ راتب rạtb 150,000 150,000 دولار) dwlạr) لم lm تُخْلِ tukẖ̊li الLabor ạlLabor بوعد bwʿd بشأن bsẖạ̉n الإجازة ạlạ̹jạzẗ الأبوية ạlạ̉bwyẗ المدفوعة ạlmdfwʿẗ بالطريقة bạlṭryqẗ نفسها، nfshạ, حيث ḥytẖ قدمت qdmt نظامها nẓạmhạ الأكثر ạlạ̉ktẖr تواضعاً. twạḍʿạaⁿ.
However, Labor's scheme was significantly less generous: - **Labor scheme:** 18 weeks at the national minimum wage (approximately $740 per week in 2015) - **Abbott promised scheme:** 26 weeks at full replacement wage (capped at $150,000 salary) Labor did not break a promise on paid parental leave in the same way, as they delivered their more modest scheme.
ومع wmʿ ذلك، dẖlk, أخلت ạ̉kẖlt الLabor ạlLabor بوعود bwʿwd انتخابية ạntkẖạbyẗ كبيرة kbyrẗ في fy مجالات mjạlạt أخرى، ạ̉kẖry̱, وأبرزها: wạ̉brzhạ: - - تراجع trạjʿ حكومة ḥkwmẗ Gillard Gillard عن ʿn ضريبة ḍrybẗ الكربون ạlkrbwn ("لن ("ln تكون tkwn هناك hnạk ضريبة ḍrybẗ كربون krbwn تحت tḥt الحكومة ạlḥkwmẗ التي ạlty أقودها") ạ̉qwdhạ") [5] [5] - - وعد wʿd حكومة ḥkwmẗ Keating Keating بخفضات bkẖfḍạt ضرائب ḍrạỷb L-A-W L-A-W التي ạlty لم lm تُنفذ tunfdẖ [6] [6] الفرق ạlfrq الرئيسي ạlrỷysy هو hw أن ạ̉n نظام nẓạm الإجازة ạlạ̹jạzẗ الأبوية ạlạ̉bwyẗ من mn Abbott Abbott كان kạn سياسة syạsẗ مميزة mmyzẗ تم tm الترويج ạltrwyj لها lhạ بشكل bsẖkl كبير kbyr وتم wtm التخلي ạltkẖly عنها ʿnhạ صراحةً، ṣrạḥẗaⁿ, بينما bynmạ قدمت qdmt الLabor ạlLabor نظامها nẓạmhạ (على (ʿly̱ الرغم ạlrgẖm من mn أنه ạ̉nh أقل ạ̉ql مما mmạ وعد wʿd به bh Abbott). Abbott).
However, Labor has broken significant election promises in other areas, most notably: - The Gillard government's carbon pricing backflip ("There will be no carbon tax under the government I lead") [5] - The Keating government's L-A-W tax cuts promise that were not delivered [6] The key difference is that Abbott's paid parental leave was a signature, heavily-promoted policy that was explicitly abandoned, whereas Labor's scheme was delivered (albeit in a more limited form than Abbott had promised).
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منظور متوازن

على ʿly̱ الرغم ạlrgẖm من mn أن ạ̉n الادعاء ạlạdʿạʾ صحيح ṣḥyḥ من mn الناحية ạlnạḥyẗ الواقعية ạlwạqʿyẗ بأن bạ̉n الوقد ạlwqd تم tm إخلاؤه، ạ̹kẖlạw̉h, إلا ạ̹lạ أن ạ̉n القصة ạlqṣẗ الكاملة ạlkạmlẗ تشمل tsẖml عوامل ʿwạml سياقية syạqyẗ مشروعة: msẖrwʿẗ: **مبررات **mbrrạt الحكومة:** ạlḥkwmẗ:** استشهدت ạstsẖhdt حكومة ḥkwmẗ Abbott Abbott بتغير btgẖyr الظروف ạlẓrwf المالية ạlmạlyẗ والحاجة wạlḥạjẗ لإصلاح lạ̹ṣlạḥ الميزانية ạlmyzạnyẗ كأسباب kạ̉sbạb رئيسية rỷysyẗ لتأجيل ltạ̉jyl الخطة. ạlkẖṭẗ.
While the claim is factually correct that the promise was broken, the full story includes legitimate contextual factors: **Government justification:** The Abbott government cited changed fiscal circumstances and the need for budget repair as the primary reasons for shelving the scheme.
واجهت wạjht الحكومة ạlḥkwmẗ عجزاً ʿjzạaⁿ ميزانياً myzạnyạaⁿ متوقعاً mtwqʿạaⁿ كان kạn أكبر ạ̉kbr مما mmạ كان kạn متوقعاً mtwqʿạaⁿ عندما ʿndmạ تم tm قطع qṭʿ الوعد ạlwʿd [2]. [2]. **جدل **jdl مزايا mzạyạ السياسة:** ạlsyạsẗ:** تم tm انتقاد ạntqạd الخطة ạlkẖṭẗ المقترحة ạlmqtrḥẗ من mn قبل qbl الاقتصاديين ạlạqtṣạdyyn وخبراء wkẖbrạʾ السياسة ạlsyạsẗ باعتبارها bạʿtbạrhạ مكلفة mklfẗ ومستهدفة wmsthdfẗ بشكل bsẖkl سيئ، syỷ, وتقدم wtqdm فوائد fwạỷd غير gẖyr متناسبة mtnạsbẗ لذوي ldẖwy الدخول ạldkẖwl الأعلى. ạlạ̉ʿly̱.
The government faced a projected budget deficit that was larger than anticipated when the promise was made [2]. **Policy merits debated:** The proposed scheme had been criticized by economists and policy experts as expensive and poorly targeted, providing disproportionate benefits to higher-income earners.
استجوب ạstjwb معهد mʿhd أستراليا ạ̉strạlyạ ومنظمات wmnẓmạt سياسية syạsyẗ أخرى ạ̉kẖry̱ عما ʿmạ إذا ạ̹dẖạ كانت kạnt الخطة ạlkẖṭẗ تمثل tmtẖl قيمة qymẗ مقابل mqạbl المال ạlmạl [7]. [7]. **التكلفة **ạltklfẗ السياسية:** ạlsyạsyẗ:** كان kạn إخلاء ạ̹kẖlạʾ هذا hdẖạ الوعد ạlwʿd ضاراً ḍạrạaⁿ سياسياً syạsyạaⁿ لـAbbott، lAbbott, خاصةً kẖạṣẗaⁿ بين byn الناخبات، ạlnạkẖbạt, وساهم wsạhm في fy تصورات tṣwrạt الحكومة ạlḥkwmẗ بأنها bạ̉nhạ غير gẖyr جديرة jdyrẗ بالثقة. bạltẖqẗ.
The Australia Institute and other policy organizations had questioned whether the scheme represented value for money [7]. **Political cost:** Breaking this promise was politically damaging for Abbott, particularly among women voters, and contributed to perceptions of the government as untrustworthy.
عزز ʿzz إطار ạ̹ṭạr "قرار "qrạr القبطان" ạlqbṭạn" المخاوف ạlmkẖạwf بشأن bsẖạ̉n أسلوب ạ̉slwb قيادة qyạdẗ Abbott. Abbott. **بديل **bdyl الLabor:** ạlLabor:** احتفظت ạḥtfẓt الحكومة ạlḥkwmẗ بنظام bnẓạm الLabor ạlLabor الحالي ạlḥạly الأكثر ạlạ̉ktẖr تواضعاً twạḍʿạaⁿ للإجازة llạ̹jạzẗ الأبوية ạlạ̉bwyẗ المدفوعة، ạlmdfwʿẗ, مما mmạ يعني yʿny أن ạ̉n الآباء ạlậbạʾ لم lm يُتركوا yutrkwạ بدون bdwn أي ạ̉y دعم dʿm - - لم lm يحصلوا yḥṣlwạ فقط fqṭ على ʿly̱ بديل bdyl الCoalition ạlCoalition الأكثر ạlạ̉ktẖr سخاءً skẖạʾaⁿ الذي ạldẖy تم tm الوعد ạlwʿd به. bh. **السياق **ạlsyạq المقارن:** ạlmqạrn:** على ʿly̱ الرغم ạlrgẖm من mn أن ạ̉n الوعود ạlwʿwd المكسورة ạlmkswrẗ تضر tḍr بمصداقية bmṣdạqyẗ أي ạ̉y حكومة، ḥkwmẗ, يمكن ymkn النظر ạlnẓr إلى ạ̹ly̱ هذا hdẖạ الانعكاس ạlạnʿkạs على ʿly̱ أنه ạ̉nh استجابة ạstjạbẗ للواقع llwạqʿ المالي ạlmạly بدلاً bdlạaⁿ من mn مجرد mjrd الانتهازية ạlạnthạzyẗ السياسية. ạlsyạsyẗ.
The "captain's call" framing reinforced concerns about Abbott's leadership style. **Labor's alternative:** The government retained Labor's existing, more modest paid parental leave scheme, meaning parents were not left without any support - they simply did not receive the more generous Coalition alternative that had been promised. **Comparative context:** While broken promises are damaging to any government's credibility, this particular reversal can be viewed as a response to fiscal reality rather than mere political expediency.
وَاجَهَتْ wạjht الْحُكُومَةُ ạlḥkwmẗ ضَغُوطًا ḍgẖwṭạaⁿ مِيزَانِيَّةً myzạnyẗ حَقِيقِيَّةً ḥqyqyẗ جَعَلَتْ jʿlt الْخُطَّةُ ạlkẖṭẗ الْمُكَلَّفَةُ ạlmklfẗ صَعْبَةُ ṣʿbẗ التَّبْرِيرِ ạltbryr.
The government faced genuine budget pressures that made the expensive scheme difficult to justify.

صحيح

7.0

من 10

حُكُومَةُ ḥkwmẗ الCoalition ạlCoalition أَخْلَتْ ạ̉kẖlt بِالْفِعْلِ bạlfʿl بِوَعْدِ bwʿd اِنْتِخَابِيِّ ạntkẖạby صَرِيحِ ṣryḥ بِإدْخَالِ bạ̹dkẖạl نِظَامٍ nẓạm أَكْثَرَ ạ̉ktẖr سَخَاءً skẖạʾaⁿ لِلْإجَازَةَ llạ̹jạzẗ الْأُبُوِّيَّةَ ạlạ̉bwyẗ الْمَدْفُوعَةَ ạlmdfwʿẗ.
The Coalition government did break an explicit election promise to introduce a more generous paid parental leave scheme.
أعلن ạ̉ʿln Tony Tony Abbott Abbott عن ʿn التخلي ạltkẖly عن ʿn السياسة ạlsyạsẗ في fy فبراير fbrạyr 2015، 2015, بعد bʿd حوالي ḥwạly 18 18 شهراً sẖhrạaⁿ من mn توليه twlyh الحكم. ạlḥkm.
Tony Abbott announced the policy would be abandoned in February 2015, approximately 18 months after taking office.
كَان kạn هَذَا hdẖạ اِنْعِكَاسَا ạnʿkạsạaⁿ وَاضِحَا wạḍḥạaⁿ وَصَرِيحَا wṣryḥạaⁿ لِاِلْتِزَامَ lạltzạm كَبِيرَ kbyr فِي fy الْحَمْلَةِ ạlḥmlẗ.
This was a clear, unambiguous reversal of a major campaign commitment.

📚 المصادر والاستشهادات (7)

  1. 1
    Tony Abbott shelves paid parental leave scheme, describes policy as a 'captain's call'

    Tony Abbott shelves paid parental leave scheme, describes policy as a 'captain's call'

    Coalition MPs sound out frontbenchers Julie Bishop and Malcolm Turnbull as potential replacements for the PM, as Tony Abbott prepares to dump his paid parental leave scheme in a key speech.

    Abc Net
  2. 2
    archive.budget.gov.au

    2014-15 Mid-Year Economic and Fiscal Outlook

    Archive Budget Gov

    Original link no longer available
  3. 3
    smh.com.au

    Coalition concedes defeat on paid parental leave levy

    Smh Com

    Original link no longer available
  4. 4
    dss.gov.au

    Paid Parental Leave scheme - Department of Social Services

    Dss Gov

  5. 5
    Julia Gillard's carbon tax promise

    Julia Gillard's carbon tax promise

    embedded pic According to the Merriam-Webster Dictionary, a "gaffe" is a "social or diplomatic blunder, a noticeable mistake" synonymous with a "faux pas, impropriety, indiscretion or a solecism". Every presidential election campaign has its fair share of them, yet this year the number of gaffes - or at least the number being widely reported - seems to have been taken to a whole new level. And contrary to the strict definition, a gaffe no longer needs to be a mistake per se, rather just a poor choice of words which taken out of context can be used against the candidate. That being said, we have seen some doozies. The once-promising presidential candidacy of the Republican governor of Texas, Rick Perry, was largely brought down by a series of gaffes, starting with the name of his family hunting camp - Niggerhead - and culminating in the "oops" moment in a debate last November when he forgot the third government agency he planned to scrap. Another one-time frontrunner, congresswoman Michele Bachmann of Minnesota, also gained a gaffe-prone reputation last year, claiming the American Revolution began in New Hampshire, rather than the actual location of Lexington and Concord in Massachusetts. Ms Bachmann also claimed the HPV vaccine caused mental retardation, and that she was born in the same small Iowa town as movie star John Wayne - when in fact she was born in the same small Iowa town where serial killer John Wayne Gacy grew up. Newt Gingrich may not have technically gaffed but certainly provoked guffaws when he told voters in Florida he'd make the Moon America's 51st state. "We will have the first permanent base on the moon and it will be American," he said. Then there was Rick Santorum's "I don't care what the unemployment rate is going to be." And Herman Cain became a one-man gaffe-machine, including this answer to a question on whether he agreed with the Obama administration's policy on Libya: "I do not agree with the way he handled it for the following reason … Nope, that's a different one… I gotta go back and see. I got all this stuff twirling around in my head. Specifically, what are you asking me that I agree or not disagree with Obama?" Oops indeed. And then there is just about everything Donald Trump has said in the past two years. With such juicy morsels on offer, little wonder the media has an enormous appetite for gaffes this election season. But have we really had an unprecedented series of gaffe-prone candidates, or is this largely the creation of the media? To be fair, reporters being on the look-out for flubs and missteps makes some sense during a primary campaign when candidates are being vetted and tested during a period where substantial policy differences are often few and far between. But is it still a fair ploy during the general election phase? Despite the glee with which campaign hacks seized on Mitt Romney’s somewhat luke-warm endorsement of London's Olympic readiness or vaguely implied criticism of Palestinians as he flattered Israel - does anyone really doubt he'd be able to be appropriately presidential on the world stage? And what about vice president Joe Biden (who has been known to be an affable blowhard for his 40 years in elected office) - does getting a bit mixed up about whether he's in Virginia or North Carolina when he’s in a border town really disqualify him for high office? And is the mere reference to people being in chains really "playing the race card"? But for both Biden and Romney, the narrative of being gaffe-prone is very hard to shake. Once established, just about any speech might contain a line that can be held up as yet another gaffe The media, media consumers and the campaigns seem to be hooked on the political sugar-fix that is the gaffe. President Obama's now-infamous "you didn't build that" comment is only a gaffe if you completely ignore the context and pretend he was saying something he wasn't – yet it, too, is now "a gaffe" – one that’s become a slogan for the Romney campaign. My co-host on Planet America Chas Licciadello has an interesting theory, which I am more than happy to steal: Chas reckons as news organisations cut back on senior staff we are seeing more junior reporters with less experience and less context covering the campaign. And those reporters lack the knowledge to cover policy in any depth, but they can easily write a story based on a gaffe or flub. I certainly suspect there's something in that, but I think there is more to it as well. Back in 1972, a reporter from Rolling Stone magazine named Tim Crouse wrote a classic of the campaign book genre that has tended to be overshadowed by the likes of Teddy White, Hunter S. Thompson and Richard Ben Cramer. As the press bus followed the likes of George McGovern, Ed Muskie and Hubert Humphrey around Iowa and New Hampshire, Crouse turned his focus on the members of the press. The result was The Boys on the Bus – and yes, in 1972 they were almost all boys, or partially-inebriated, chain-smoking men at least. Crouse found that there were some powerful forces leading to a kind of groupthink - certain influential reporters who could effectively determine the news of the day. Journalists with secondary newspapers or TV or radio stations would look to see what the likes of Johnny Apple of the The New York Times or David Broder of The Washington Post were filing from the campaign trail and follow suit. The reason was simple. Journalists had to answer to editors back at head office, who would be displeased if their reporter had missed the angle being covered on page one of the Times or the Post. That, Crouse concluded, was just one of the ways a "pack" of journalists was formed. And like any pack, from time to time they like to single out a weak opponent and bring them down – often by writing about seemingly trivial things like gaffes. Another reason Crouse noted that reporters tend to focus on mistakes is that they represent something new and different. Campaign reporters following a candidate for weeks on end from one town to another will tend to hear the same stump speech time and time again. The same jokes, the same attacks, the same vague policies, five, six times a day. The reporters stop taking notes when they hear it all again and there's no "news" to report – but if then suddenly if candidate gets heckled, says something dumb or trips over on the stairs getting onto a stage – then that becomes news. In 1972 it was Ed Muskie shedding tears (or not) before the New Hampshire primary that became a huge story, so did Hillary Clinton’s tears before New Hampshire voted in early 2008. In 2012, as there was in 2008, there is a new element: Twitter. And this is where the Licciadello Thesis can become useful. Most campaign reporters, certainly just about all under 45, are tweeting all the time this year, reducing debates and speeches to 140 characters or less. Not a lot of room for context or nuance in a tweet. The 24-hour news cycle has become the 24/7 news cycle, never starting or ending but just rolling from a tweet onto a news website, then a panel of pundits on cable news, and from there into a print edition or onto radio talk show – forcing candidates and their campaigns to immediate comment, refute, rephrase or react. Unlike in Tim Crouse's time, today's reporters can simply keep track of each other's tweets to know what the "pack leaders" are thinking and writing about, and the best tweeters are fast becoming the new leaders of that pack. The New Yorker's Ryan Lizza (@ryanlizza), Buzzfeed's Ben Smith (@buzzfeedben), Politico's Maggie Haberman (@maggiepolitico), The Atlantic's Molly Ball (@mollyesque), and Erin McPike (@erinmcpike) from Real Clear Politics are the Apples and Broders of 2012. That's not to say campaign veterans like Joe Klein, George Will or David Brooks now lack influence, or that the younger journalists and tweeters are by definition attracted to trivia, but it seems to me there is something in the speed and economy of the new media as it feeds into the old, stressed, cash-strapped, time-poor established media that may be fuelling a growing hunger for the superficially clickable - the gaffe.

    Abc Net
  6. 6
    The history of 'the recession we had to have'

    The history of 'the recession we had to have'

    It's a new term that has jumped into our lexicon this week with tragic fatalities in Victoria: Thunderstorm asthma. What is this anyway? Find out from an expert.

    ABC Sydney
  7. 7
    australiainstitute.org.au

    Paid Parental Leave: An expensive way to help affluent women

    Australiainstitute Org

    Original link no longer available

منهجية التقييم

1-3: خاطئ

غير صحيح من الناحية الواقعية أو ملفق بشكل ضار.

4-6: جزئي

بعض الحقيقة لكن السياق ناقص أو منحرف.

7-9: صحيح غالباً

مشاكل تقنية أو صياغة طفيفة.

10: دقيق

تم التحقق منه بشكل كامل وعادل سياقياً.

المنهجية: يتم تحديد التقييمات من خلال التحقق المتبادل من السجلات الحكومية الرسمية ومنظمات التحقق المستقلة ووثائق المصدر الأولية.