Vero

Valutazione: 7.0/10

Segnala Problema
Coalition
C0507

L'Affermazione

“Ha rotto una promessa elettorale di introdurre un nuovo schema di congedo parentale retribuito.”
Economia
Fonte Originale: Matthew Davis

Fonti Originali

✅ VERIFICA DEI FATTI

**VERO** - Il governo della Coalizione guidato da Tony Abbott ha rotto una promessa elettorale riguardante il suo schema di congedo parentale retribuito.
**TRUE** - The Coalition government led by Tony Abbott did break an election promise regarding its signature paid parental leave scheme.
 Durante la campagna elettorale federale del 2013, Tony Abbott ha annunciato un generoso schema di congedo parentale retribuito (PPL) come politica di punta.
During the 2013 federal election campaign, Tony Abbott announced a generous paid parental leave (PPL) scheme as a flagship policy.
 Lo schema prometteva 26 settimane di congedo retribuito alla piena retribuzione della madre (con un tetto massimo di stipendio annuo di 150.000 dollari), più i contributi previdenziali [1].
The scheme promised 26 weeks of paid leave at the mother's full replacement wage (capped at an annual salary of $150,000), plus superannuation contributions [1].
 Questo è stato presentato come un miglioramento significativo rispetto allo schema esistente del Labor ed è stato fortemente promosso durante la campagna.
This was presented as a significant improvement over the existing Labor scheme and was heavily promoted during the campaign.
 Il 2 febbraio 2015, al National Press Club, il Primo Ministro Tony Abbott ha annunciato formalmente che la politica veniva abbandonata [1].
On 2 February 2015, at the National Press Club, Prime Minister Tony Abbott formally announced that the policy was being abandoned [1].
 Abbott ha dichiarato che lo schema sarebbe stato "messo da parte" e lo ha descritto come una "decisione del capitano" che aveva perseguito nonostante l'opposizione interna del partito.
Abbott stated the scheme would be "shelved" and described it as a "captain's call" that he had persisted with despite internal party opposition.
 La decisione è arrivata in un contesto di crescenti pressioni di bilancio e incapacità del governo di ottenere il sostegno del Senato per l'imposta associata sulle grandi aziende.
The decision came amid mounting budget pressures and the government's inability to gain Senate support for the associated levy on large companies.

Contesto Mancante

L'affermazione, sebbene fattualmente accurata, manca di un contesto importante che aiuta a spiegare perché la promessa è stata rotta: **Vincoli di bilancio e realtà fiscale:** Quando la Coalizione ha assunto la carica nel settembre 2013, il governo ha dovuto affrontare una posizione di bilancio in deterioramento.
The claim, while factually accurate, lacks important context that helps explain why the promise was broken: **Budget constraints and fiscal reality:** When the Coalition took office in September 2013, the government faced a deteriorating budget position.
 Lo schema di congedo parentale retribuito, con un costo stimato di circa 5,5 miliardi di dollari all'anno, è diventato sempre più difficile da giustificare in un ambiente di consolidamento fiscale [2]. **Opposizione interna del partito:** Lo schema ha affrontato un'opposizione significativa all'interno della stessa Coalizione, inclusi il Tesoriere Joe Hockey e altri ministri senior che lo consideravano fiscalmente irresponsabile e scarsamente mirato.
The paid parental leave scheme, with an estimated cost of approximately $5.5 billion annually, became increasingly difficult to justify in an environment of fiscal consolidation [2]. **Internal party opposition:** The scheme faced significant opposition from within the Coalition itself, including from Treasurer Joe Hockey and other senior ministers who viewed it as fiscally irresponsible and poorly targeted.
 Abbott ha riconosciuto questa resistenza interna quando ha annunciato il suo abbandono [1]. **Aritmetica del Senato:** Il governo non aveva i numeri al Senato per far passare la legislazione necessaria a finanziare lo schema attraverso l'imposta proposta dell'1,5% sulle aziende con redditi imponibili superiori a 5 milioni di dollari [3]. **Inversione di politica di punta:** Questa non era una politica minore ma una promessa di punta che Abbott aveva promosso come un elemento differenziante rispetto al Labor, rendendo il suo abbandono politicamente significativo.
Abbott acknowledged this internal resistance when announcing its abandonment [1]. **Senate arithmetic:** The government lacked the Senate numbers to pass the necessary legislation to fund the scheme via the proposed 1.5% levy on companies with taxable incomes over $5 million [3]. **Signature policy reversal:** This was not a minor policy but a signature promise that Abbott had championed as a differentiator from Labor, making its abandonment politically significant.

Valutazione Credibilità Fonte

La fonte originale fornita è **ABC News** (abc.net.au) [1], che è l'emittente pubblica nazionale dell'Australia ed è generalmente considerata una fonte di notizie credibile e mainstream con standard editoriali consolidati.
The original source provided is **ABC News** (abc.net.au) [1], which is Australia's national public broadcaster and is generally considered a credible, mainstream news source with established editorial standards.
 ABC News non ha un allineamento partigiano dichiarato ed è finanziata indipendentemente dal governo attraverso stanziamenti triennali.
ABC News has no stated partisan alignment and is funded independently of government through triennial appropriations.
 Sebbene generalmente affidabile, l'ABC ha affrontato critiche da entrambi i maggiori partiti in tempi diversi, il che suggerisce che opera con relativa indipendenza.
While generally reliable, the ABC has faced criticism from both major parties at different times, which suggests it operates with relative independence.
 Per questa particolare affermazione su un annuncio di politica, il rapporto dell'ABC dalla conferenza stampa effettiva fornisce una copertura diretta e di prima mano.
For this particular claim about a policy announcement, the ABC's report from the actual press conference provides direct, firsthand coverage.
⚖️

Confronto con Labor

**Il Labor ha fatto qualcosa di simile?** Il Labor ha introdotto il primo schema nazionale di congedo parentale retribuito in Australia nel 2011 sotto il governo Gillard, che ha iniziato le operazioni nel 2011 [4].
**Did Labor do something similar?** Labor introduced Australia's first national paid parental leave scheme in 2011 under the Gillard government, which began operations in 2011 [4].
 Tuttavia, lo schema del Labor era significativamente meno generoso: - **Schema del Labor:** 18 settimane al salario minimo nazionale (circa 740 dollari a settimana nel 2015) - **Schema promesso da Abbott:** 26 settimane alla piena retribuzione (con un tetto massimo di stipendio di 150.000 dollari) Il Labor non ha rotto una promessa sul congedo parentale retribuito allo stesso modo, poiché hanno consegnato il loro schema più modesto.
However, Labor's scheme was significantly less generous: - **Labor scheme:** 18 weeks at the national minimum wage (approximately $740 per week in 2015) - **Abbott promised scheme:** 26 weeks at full replacement wage (capped at $150,000 salary) Labor did not break a promise on paid parental leave in the same way, as they delivered their more modest scheme.
 Tuttavia, il Labor ha rotto promesse elettorali significative in altre aree, in particolare: - Il dietrofront del governo Gillard sulla tassazione del carbonio ("Non ci sarà alcuna tassa sul carbonio sotto il governo che guido") [5] - La promessa di tagli delle tasse L-A-W del governo Keating che non sono stati consegnati [6] La differenza chiave è che il congedo parentale retribuito di Abbott era una politica di punta, fortemente promossa che è stata esplicitamente abbandonata, mentre lo schema del Labor è stato consegnato (sebbene in una forma più limitata rispetto a quella promessa da Abbott).
However, Labor has broken significant election promises in other areas, most notably: - The Gillard government's carbon pricing backflip ("There will be no carbon tax under the government I lead") [5] - The Keating government's L-A-W tax cuts promise that were not delivered [6] The key difference is that Abbott's paid parental leave was a signature, heavily-promoted policy that was explicitly abandoned, whereas Labor's scheme was delivered (albeit in a more limited form than Abbott had promised).
🌐

Prospettiva Equilibrata

Sebbene l'affermazione sia fattualmente corretta che la promessa sia stata rotta, la storia completa include fattori contestuali legittimi: **Giustificazione del governo:** Il governo Abbott ha citato le circostanze fiscali cambiate e la necessità di riparare il bilancio come le ragioni principali per aver messo da parte lo schema.
While the claim is factually correct that the promise was broken, the full story includes legitimate contextual factors: **Government justification:** The Abbott government cited changed fiscal circumstances and the need for budget repair as the primary reasons for shelving the scheme.
 Il governo ha dovuto affrontare un deficit di bilancio previsto più grande di quanto anticipato quando la promessa è stata fatta [2]. **Meriti della politica dibattuti:** Lo schema proposto era stato criticato da economisti ed esperti di politiche come costoso e scarsamente mirato, fornendo benefici sproporzionati ai percettori di redditi più elevati.
The government faced a projected budget deficit that was larger than anticipated when the promise was made [2]. **Policy merits debated:** The proposed scheme had been criticized by economists and policy experts as expensive and poorly targeted, providing disproportionate benefits to higher-income earners.
 L'Australia Institute e altre organizzazioni di politiche avevano messo in discussione se lo schema rappresentasse un buon rapporto qualità-prezzo [7]. **Costo politico:** Rompere questa promessa è stato politicamente dannoso per Abbott, in particolare tra gli elettori donne, e ha contribuito alle percezioni del governo come inaffidabile.
The Australia Institute and other policy organizations had questioned whether the scheme represented value for money [7]. **Political cost:** Breaking this promise was politically damaging for Abbott, particularly among women voters, and contributed to perceptions of the government as untrustworthy.
 L'inquadramento della "decisione del capitano" ha rinforzato le preoccupazioni sullo stile di leadership di Abbott. **Alternativa del Labor:** Il governo ha mantenuto lo schema esistente di congedo parentale retribuito del Labor, più modesto, il che significa che i genitori non sono stati lasciati senza alcun supporto - hanno semplicemente non ricevuto l'alternativa più generosa della Coalizione che era stata promessa. **Contesto comparativo:** Sebbene le promesse rotte siano dannose per la credibilità di qualsiasi governo, questa particolare inversione può essere vista come una risposta alla realtà fiscale piuttosto che alla sola spedienza politica.
The "captain's call" framing reinforced concerns about Abbott's leadership style. **Labor's alternative:** The government retained Labor's existing, more modest paid parental leave scheme, meaning parents were not left without any support - they simply did not receive the more generous Coalition alternative that had been promised. **Comparative context:** While broken promises are damaging to any government's credibility, this particular reversal can be viewed as a response to fiscal reality rather than mere political expediency.
 Il governo ha dovuto affrontare pressioni di bilancio genuine che rendevano difficile giustificare lo schema costoso.
The government faced genuine budget pressures that made the expensive scheme difficult to justify.

VERO

7.0

/ 10

Il governo della Coalizione ha rotto una promessa elettorale esplicita di introdurre uno schema di congedo parentale retribuito più generoso.
The Coalition government did break an explicit election promise to introduce a more generous paid parental leave scheme.
 Tony Abbott ha annunciato che la politica sarebbe stata abbandonata nel febbraio 2015, circa 18 mesi dopo aver assunto la carica.
Tony Abbott announced the policy would be abandoned in February 2015, approximately 18 months after taking office.
 Questa è stata una chiara e inequivocabile inversione di un impegno importante della campagna.
This was a clear, unambiguous reversal of a major campaign commitment.

📚 FONTI & CITAZIONI (7)

  1. 1
    Tony Abbott shelves paid parental leave scheme, describes policy as a 'captain's call'

    Tony Abbott shelves paid parental leave scheme, describes policy as a 'captain's call'

    Coalition MPs sound out frontbenchers Julie Bishop and Malcolm Turnbull as potential replacements for the PM, as Tony Abbott prepares to dump his paid parental leave scheme in a key speech.

    Abc Net
  2. 2
    archive.budget.gov.au

    2014-15 Mid-Year Economic and Fiscal Outlook

    Archive Budget Gov

    Original link no longer available
  3. 3
    smh.com.au

    Coalition concedes defeat on paid parental leave levy

    Smh Com

    Original link no longer available
  4. 4
    dss.gov.au

    Paid Parental Leave scheme - Department of Social Services

    Dss Gov

  5. 5
    Julia Gillard's carbon tax promise

    Julia Gillard's carbon tax promise

    embedded pic According to the Merriam-Webster Dictionary, a "gaffe" is a "social or diplomatic blunder, a noticeable mistake" synonymous with a "faux pas, impropriety, indiscretion or a solecism". Every presidential election campaign has its fair share of them, yet this year the number of gaffes - or at least the number being widely reported - seems to have been taken to a whole new level. And contrary to the strict definition, a gaffe no longer needs to be a mistake per se, rather just a poor choice of words which taken out of context can be used against the candidate. That being said, we have seen some doozies. The once-promising presidential candidacy of the Republican governor of Texas, Rick Perry, was largely brought down by a series of gaffes, starting with the name of his family hunting camp - Niggerhead - and culminating in the "oops" moment in a debate last November when he forgot the third government agency he planned to scrap. Another one-time frontrunner, congresswoman Michele Bachmann of Minnesota, also gained a gaffe-prone reputation last year, claiming the American Revolution began in New Hampshire, rather than the actual location of Lexington and Concord in Massachusetts. Ms Bachmann also claimed the HPV vaccine caused mental retardation, and that she was born in the same small Iowa town as movie star John Wayne - when in fact she was born in the same small Iowa town where serial killer John Wayne Gacy grew up. Newt Gingrich may not have technically gaffed but certainly provoked guffaws when he told voters in Florida he'd make the Moon America's 51st state. "We will have the first permanent base on the moon and it will be American," he said. Then there was Rick Santorum's "I don't care what the unemployment rate is going to be." And Herman Cain became a one-man gaffe-machine, including this answer to a question on whether he agreed with the Obama administration's policy on Libya: "I do not agree with the way he handled it for the following reason … Nope, that's a different one… I gotta go back and see. I got all this stuff twirling around in my head. Specifically, what are you asking me that I agree or not disagree with Obama?" Oops indeed. And then there is just about everything Donald Trump has said in the past two years. With such juicy morsels on offer, little wonder the media has an enormous appetite for gaffes this election season. But have we really had an unprecedented series of gaffe-prone candidates, or is this largely the creation of the media? To be fair, reporters being on the look-out for flubs and missteps makes some sense during a primary campaign when candidates are being vetted and tested during a period where substantial policy differences are often few and far between. But is it still a fair ploy during the general election phase? Despite the glee with which campaign hacks seized on Mitt Romney’s somewhat luke-warm endorsement of London's Olympic readiness or vaguely implied criticism of Palestinians as he flattered Israel - does anyone really doubt he'd be able to be appropriately presidential on the world stage? And what about vice president Joe Biden (who has been known to be an affable blowhard for his 40 years in elected office) - does getting a bit mixed up about whether he's in Virginia or North Carolina when he’s in a border town really disqualify him for high office? And is the mere reference to people being in chains really "playing the race card"? But for both Biden and Romney, the narrative of being gaffe-prone is very hard to shake. Once established, just about any speech might contain a line that can be held up as yet another gaffe The media, media consumers and the campaigns seem to be hooked on the political sugar-fix that is the gaffe. President Obama's now-infamous "you didn't build that" comment is only a gaffe if you completely ignore the context and pretend he was saying something he wasn't – yet it, too, is now "a gaffe" – one that’s become a slogan for the Romney campaign. My co-host on Planet America Chas Licciadello has an interesting theory, which I am more than happy to steal: Chas reckons as news organisations cut back on senior staff we are seeing more junior reporters with less experience and less context covering the campaign. And those reporters lack the knowledge to cover policy in any depth, but they can easily write a story based on a gaffe or flub. I certainly suspect there's something in that, but I think there is more to it as well. Back in 1972, a reporter from Rolling Stone magazine named Tim Crouse wrote a classic of the campaign book genre that has tended to be overshadowed by the likes of Teddy White, Hunter S. Thompson and Richard Ben Cramer. As the press bus followed the likes of George McGovern, Ed Muskie and Hubert Humphrey around Iowa and New Hampshire, Crouse turned his focus on the members of the press. The result was The Boys on the Bus – and yes, in 1972 they were almost all boys, or partially-inebriated, chain-smoking men at least. Crouse found that there were some powerful forces leading to a kind of groupthink - certain influential reporters who could effectively determine the news of the day. Journalists with secondary newspapers or TV or radio stations would look to see what the likes of Johnny Apple of the The New York Times or David Broder of The Washington Post were filing from the campaign trail and follow suit. The reason was simple. Journalists had to answer to editors back at head office, who would be displeased if their reporter had missed the angle being covered on page one of the Times or the Post. That, Crouse concluded, was just one of the ways a "pack" of journalists was formed. And like any pack, from time to time they like to single out a weak opponent and bring them down – often by writing about seemingly trivial things like gaffes. Another reason Crouse noted that reporters tend to focus on mistakes is that they represent something new and different. Campaign reporters following a candidate for weeks on end from one town to another will tend to hear the same stump speech time and time again. The same jokes, the same attacks, the same vague policies, five, six times a day. The reporters stop taking notes when they hear it all again and there's no "news" to report – but if then suddenly if candidate gets heckled, says something dumb or trips over on the stairs getting onto a stage – then that becomes news. In 1972 it was Ed Muskie shedding tears (or not) before the New Hampshire primary that became a huge story, so did Hillary Clinton’s tears before New Hampshire voted in early 2008. In 2012, as there was in 2008, there is a new element: Twitter. And this is where the Licciadello Thesis can become useful. Most campaign reporters, certainly just about all under 45, are tweeting all the time this year, reducing debates and speeches to 140 characters or less. Not a lot of room for context or nuance in a tweet. The 24-hour news cycle has become the 24/7 news cycle, never starting or ending but just rolling from a tweet onto a news website, then a panel of pundits on cable news, and from there into a print edition or onto radio talk show – forcing candidates and their campaigns to immediate comment, refute, rephrase or react. Unlike in Tim Crouse's time, today's reporters can simply keep track of each other's tweets to know what the "pack leaders" are thinking and writing about, and the best tweeters are fast becoming the new leaders of that pack. The New Yorker's Ryan Lizza (@ryanlizza), Buzzfeed's Ben Smith (@buzzfeedben), Politico's Maggie Haberman (@maggiepolitico), The Atlantic's Molly Ball (@mollyesque), and Erin McPike (@erinmcpike) from Real Clear Politics are the Apples and Broders of 2012. That's not to say campaign veterans like Joe Klein, George Will or David Brooks now lack influence, or that the younger journalists and tweeters are by definition attracted to trivia, but it seems to me there is something in the speed and economy of the new media as it feeds into the old, stressed, cash-strapped, time-poor established media that may be fuelling a growing hunger for the superficially clickable - the gaffe.

    Abc Net
  6. 6
    The history of 'the recession we had to have'

    The history of 'the recession we had to have'

    It's a new term that has jumped into our lexicon this week with tragic fatalities in Victoria: Thunderstorm asthma. What is this anyway? Find out from an expert.

    ABC Sydney
  7. 7
    australiainstitute.org.au

    Paid Parental Leave: An expensive way to help affluent women

    Australiainstitute Org

    Original link no longer available

Metodologia della Scala di Valutazione

1-3: FALSO

Fattualmente errato o fabbricazione malevola.

4-6: PARZIALE

Un po' di verità ma il contesto è mancante o distorto.

7-9: PREVALENTEMENTE VERO

Tecnicismi minori o problemi di formulazione.

10: ACCURATO

Perfettamente verificato e contestualmente equo.

Metodologia: Le valutazioni sono determinate attraverso il confronto incrociato di documenti governativi ufficiali, organizzazioni indipendenti di verifica dei fatti e documenti di fonti primarie.

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